Opinion
Where does the political aftermath of Charlie Kirk’s killing leave Maga and US liberals?
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On November 7th, 1938, a slight, 17-year-old German speaker appeared at the opulent German Embassy in Paris.
Herschel Grynszpan was looking for the German ambassador, the suave and virulently anti-communist Johannes von Welczeck.
In fact, Grynszpan had just brushed past von Welczeck at the giant revolving doors leading into the embassy – the ambassador heading one way, the assassin the other. At the reception, Grynszpan was met by Ernst vom Rath, a middle-ranking, Nazi-appointed diplomat.
Realising that he had missed the ambassador, his real target, Grynszpan pulled out a revolver and, content to kill any Nazi, shot vom Rath. As he fired, he shouted: “This is for the 12,000 Polish Jews.”
When the news reached Berlin, Adolf Hitler immediately promoted the deceased vom Rath to the position of German hero as his minister for propaganda, Joseph Goebbels, set about a plan. For years, the Nazis had spoken of a giant worldwide Jewish conspiracy against Germany and here was his evidence.
Grynszpan, the teenage killer, was Jewish. His family, like thousands of Polish Jews, had emigrated to Germany in the early part of the 20th century. These so-called Ostjuden, were Yiddish-speaking and poor, which distinguished them from German-born Jews and, because they were not born on German soil, Grynszpan’s parents didn’t have passports.
When the Nazis came to power, these stateless Jews were an easy target. Herschel’s parents and friends, mostly working as tailors in Hanover, were rounded up and dumped on the Polish border in filthy, overcrowded camps without sanitation or adequate food and water. As many as 12,000 undocumented Jews languished there.
At the age of 15, Grynszpan managed to flee Germany to live with an uncle in Paris, which is how he ended up walking the streets outside the German Embassy.
Goebbels had his evidence. An innocent German diplomat had been murdered by a deranged German-speaking Jew, in a foreign capital where the diplomat should have been protected by the French police. This must be a conspiracy of international Jewry, in cahoots with Germany’s traditional enemies.
[ Kristallnacht marked in Germany and AustriaOpens in new window ]
As Grynszpan has been born in Germany and spoke like a German, Goebbels implied that no Jew could be trusted – they were all potential conspirators, part of an international, cosmopolitan Jewish plot against Germany. They were the enemy within and the killer Grynszpan was only the first of many violent Jewish killers, lurking inconspicuously among the honourable but largely gullible Germans. Grynszpan was all the evidence Goebbels needed.
The next two nights would become known as Kristallnacht (The Night of Broken Glass) when Jews all across Germany were attacked, and their synagogues and properties burned down. About 30,000 Jews were rounded up and the road to the Holocaust was paved.
As I walked along Fifth Avenue in New York last week, the traffic gridlocked by the annual UN General Assembly, I thought of Herschel Grynszpan. The city is at a standstill, many roads are completely closed off, tempers are flaring: the UN really messes with moody New Yorkers’ already volatile heads. To escape the horns, sirens and general mayhem, any barstool offers sanctuary. Over the counter, TV news channels showed wall-to-wall coverage of the memorial for assassinated political activist Charlie Kirk.
Speaker after speaker describe his murderer, Tyler Robinson, as a member of a global woke conspiracy against America. The argument goes that this is not a lone killer; this sedition is the work not of one man, but is evidence of a well-armed radical left army that is out there and getting ready to destroy America.
Something stronger than Coors Lite is needed. The US president described Kirk as a “martyr for American conservatism”, calling his killer a “radicalised cold-blooded monster”, a creation of the “other side” or the “radical left”. The president vowed to avenge his killing.
[ Charlie Kirk memorial: Half of the US is in raptures, the other indifferentOpens in new window ]
This week, I find myself in the middle of America’s culture war. It’s hard to appreciate the depth of the struggle unless you are here. Political conversations with the normally voluble New Yorkers are hushed. You can actually hear yourself. One side is on the ascendancy, united; the other on the run, in disarray.
President Trump himself is emboldened while his base is inflamed and energised for a long war. The Charlie Kirk murder could be the turning point that he spoke about so often. There is little doubt that various civil liberties – from free speech to judicial independence and institutional impartiality – are not simply being chipped away, they have been smashed down.
Pam Bondi, the US attorney general, is talking about censoring what she calls “hate speech” and what most Americans call the First Amendment. In addition, egregious conflicts of interest between the Trump family and American national security are being overlooked on a daily basis, the most recent example being the UAE investing billions in a Trump family run crypto investment scheme in return for UAE tech companies gaining access to America’s most advanced microchip technology.
At home, liberals are on the back foot, the Maga movement is almost triumphant and the Democratic Party is pathetically divided. Kamala Harris’s new book is an exorcising screed, pointing the finger at almost every one of the Democratic grandees who presided over her failed presidential bid. Filthy liberal linen is being washed in public and the America First gang are loving it.
Next year, the political debate will be framed against the backdrop of the American Revolution and the 250th anniversary of July 4th, 1776. It will be a battle about who owns the flag or who owns the Revolution.
Trump and Maga will claim that the Revolution was a bottom-up rebellion of fed-up patriotic Americans who, like them, were fighting the tyranny of elitism and an out-of-touch regime. They will claim they are the real Americans, each one the 21st century incarnation of Paul Revere. The liberals will accept the patriots’ argument but will add that the patriots were enlightened liberals driven by the foundational notion that “all men were made equal” implying that the font of the American Republic is tolerance and acceptance and that liberal America is the true descendant of Washington and Jefferson.
Every event and commemoration will be fought over by both sides using means that many of us thought impossible in modern America.
On November 17th, 1939, vom Rath was given a state funeral in Düsseldorf. Hitler and foreign minister von Ribbentrop attended, claiming that “the Jews had fired the first shot” in a war against Germany. Ribbentrop concluded his oration with the chilling warning: “We understand the challenge, and we accept it.” No one could have imagined where that would lead.
In America, the enemy within for today’s republicans is the radical, antifa-driven woke left; for Democrats it’s the radical, Maga-fuelled authoritarian right. Trump’s side is ascendant and can sense victory.
Each event, each crisis pushes people closer to the edge. History tells us that faceless institutions cannot be relied upon when the people are inflamed. Let’s hope exceptional America is the exception, but don’t bet on it.
Opinion
Israel’s ecocide in Gaza sends this message: even if we stopped dropping bombs, you couldn’t live here | George Monbiot
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A landless people and a peopleless land: these, it appears, are the aims of the Israeli government in Gaza. There are two means by which they are achieved. The first is the mass killing and expulsion of the Palestinians. The second is rendering the land uninhabitable. Alongside the crime of genocide, another great horror unfolds: ecocide.
While the destruction of buildings and infrastructure in Gaza is visible in every video we see, less visible is the parallel destruction of ecosystems and means of subsistence. Before the 7 October atrocity that triggered the current assault on Gaza, about 40% of its land was farmed. Despite its extreme population density, Gaza was mostly self-sufficient in vegetables and poultry, and met much of the population’s demand for olives, fruit and milk. But last month the UN reported that just 1.5% of its agricultural land now remains both accessible and undamaged. That’s roughly 200 hectares – the only remaining area directly available to feed more than 2 million people.
Part of the reason is the systematic destruction of farmland by the Israeli military. Ground troops have demolished greenhouses; bulldozers have toppled orchards, ploughed out crops and crushed the soil; and planes have sprayed herbicides over the fields.
The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) justify these attacks by claiming that “Hamas often operates from within orchards, fields, and agricultural land.” And apparently from hospitals, schools, universities, industrial estates and any other resources on which the Palestinians depend. All the IDF needs to do in order to rationalise destruction is to suggest that Hamas has operated or might operate from the thing it wants to destroy. And if there’s no evidence – sorry, too late.
The IDF is steadily expanding the “buffer zone” along Gaza’s eastern border, which happens to contain much of the Strip’s agricultural land. As the human rights specialist Hamza Hamouchene points out, rather than “making the desert bloom” – a mainstay of Israeli state propaganda – it is turning fertile and productive land into desert.
The Israeli government has been felling Palestinians’ ancient olive trees for decades to deprive them of subsistence, demoralise them and break their connection with the land. Olives are both materially crucial, accounting for 14% of the Palestinian economy, and symbolically powerful: if there are no olive trees, there can be no olive branch. Israel’s scorched-earth policy, in conjunction with its blockade of food supplies, guarantees famine.
The IDF’s assault on Gaza has caused a collapse in wastewater treatment. Raw sewage floods the land, seeps into aquifers and poisons coastal waters. The same thing has happened to solid waste disposal: mountains of rubbish now rot and smoulder among the ruins or are pushed into informal waste dumps, leaching contaminants. Before the current assault, people in Gaza had access to about 85 litres of water per person per day, which, while sparse, meets the recommended minimum level. As of February this year, the average had fallen to 5.7 litres. Gaza’s crucial coastal aquifer is further threatened by the IDF’s flooding of Hamas tunnels with seawater: salt intrusion, beyond a certain point, will render the aquifer unusable.
The UN Environment Programme estimated last year that on each square metre of Gaza there was an average of 107kg of debris from bombing and destruction. Much of this rubble is mixed with asbestos, unexploded ordnance, human remains and the toxins released by weaponry. Munitions contain metals such as lead, copper, manganese, alumnium compounds, mercury and depleted uranium. There are credible reports of the IDF illegally using white phosphorus: a hideous chemical and incendiary weapon that also causes widespread contamination of soil and water. Toxic dust and smoke inhalation have major impacts on people’s health.
On top of the devastating immediate impacts on the lives of the Gazan people, the carbon emissions of Israel’s assault are astronomical: a combination of vast direct emissions caused by the war and the staggering climate cost of rebuilding Gaza (if that is ever allowed to happen) – reconstruction alone would produce greenhouse gases equivalent to the annual emissions of a medium-sized country.
When you consider the ecocide alongside the genocide, you begin to grasp the totality of the Israeli state’s attempt to eliminate both the Palestinians and their homeland. As the Palestinian ecologist Mazin Qumsiyeh argues: “Environmental degradation is not incidental – it is intentional, protracted, and aimed at breaking the eco-sumud (ecological steadfastness) of the Palestinian people.”
I’ve written very little over the years about the environmental impacts of armed forces, as I feel that if you cannot persuade decision-makers that killing people is wrong, you will never persuade them that killing other life forms is also wrong. I think many others have felt the same way, which is one reason why the military tends to be excused the environmental scrutiny that other sectors have felt. But its footprint, even in peacetime, is enormous. The Conflict and Environment Observatory estimates that the world’s armed forces produce roughly 5.5% of global greenhouse gas emissions. Yet partly as a result of lobbying by the US government, they are exempted from mandatory reporting under the Paris climate agreement. Nor are they properly held to account for their vast range of other environmental harms, from deforestation to pollution, soil destruction to unregulated dumping.
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Nobody who cares about this issue is calling for “green bullets” or “green bombs”, but every so often military researchers and defence departments seek to persuade us that they can now blow people apart sustainably. For many years, green campaigners have pointed out that peace and environmental protection must go together. War is as devastating to ecosystems as it is to people, and environmental breakdown is a major cause of war.
For the Israeli government, the erasure of ecosystems and people’s means of survival seems to be a key strategic aim. It appears to be seeking what some have called “holocide”: the complete destruction of every aspect of life in Gaza. Even without a specific law of ecocide, which many of us seek, the destruction of Palestinian ecosystems is in clear contravention of article 8 of the Rome Statute and should be considered alongside its great crime of genocide.
But if the eventual plan is to create a “Gaza Riviera” or a similar scheme to build an eerie elite technopolis stripped of place and history, of the kind that Donald Trump and some senior Israeli politicians favour – well, who needs trees or soil or crops for that? There is no cost to the perpetrators. Or not, at least, until they are brought to justice.
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George Monbiot is a Guardian columnist
Opinion
Breda O’Brien: Blocking Maria Steen from running for the presidency will backfire
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Blocking Maria Steen from running for the presidency was not clever. It is likely to rebound in particular on Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael.
Let us consider a different scenario, however improbable. Suppose Michéal Martin, who effectively manoeuvred to prevent even any FF politician or former politician from running, had instead decided to emulate Enda Kenny in 1997. Kenny instructed Fine Gael councillors merely to abstain rather than vote against Dana Rosemary Scallon when she took the local authority route to nomination. Kenny did so even though Fine Gael had Mary Banotti in the race. (Fine Gael was not so magnanimous in later presidential elections)
Steen would likely have secured a nomination if the councils had not been stitched up. In gratitude, her highly motivated followers would probably have transferred to Jim Gavin. Given his unspectacular showing so far, it may prove to be the case that Gavin could have done with the help. In the unlikely event of Steen winning, Martin could have taken some credit for being fair-minded, as could Simon Harris, had he chosen not to apply the whip.
Instead, Martin asked why people who have been criticising Fianna Fáil for years now expected it to support their candidate. No one was expecting FF to support Maria Steen, just not to use Constitutional provisions designed to widen access to running for president in a way that blocks candidates instead.
If Steen is as unrepresentative of the electorate as claimed, why not allow her to run and be trounced?
Being on the wrong side of referendum campaigns apparently made her unsuitable. What a double standard.
Michael D Higgins was on the losing side of the citizenship referendum and in a party that was regularly demolished at the polling stations, but no major party suggested that disqualified him from running.
In full disclosure, I have known Maria Steen for many years and have the highest regard for her and her husband, Neil. However, I learned about her potential candidacy in The Irish Times and was not involved in any way with her campaign. But I believe that she is a person of integrity. She has championed unpopular positions at no little personal cost because she believes them to be right. Those qualities are rare. She would have cut an impressive figure on the international stage – not to mention the delight of young children living in the Arás.
There were alleged liberals among the independent members of the Oireachtas who made it clear that they did not value diversity in the race, preferring instead to complain about being lobbied too hard to support her.
To be clear, given that online communication is frequently poisonous, I am sure that some people subjected elected representatives to personalised abuse. That was unequivocally wrong. But you cannot be an elected representative and object to a large volume of communication if it is respectful.
People who could have signed her nomination papers but did not conspired to give us a less meaningful campaign. It reinforces cynicism about, and alienation from, politics. The turnout is likely to be historically low.
Steen, who is acknowledged even by ideological opponents to be intelligent, able and articulate, would have raised the quality of debate. She would have compelled the other candidates to account for what they stand for and what the role of the president should be. She would have made it painfully clear that when it comes to important issues, the differences between the Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael candidates are non-existent. Aontú, Independent Ireland, and others who supported her, in contrast, have demonstrated that they understand the need for diversity among presidential candidates.
As Marian Harkin said, “By not giving a voice to different viewpoints, certain groups of people become further polarised.” Even though Harkin will be voting for Heather Humphreys, she was able to see that she had a responsibility not to push people away from electoral politics towards much uglier alternatives.
The same people who blocked Steen are already rubbishing Independent Ireland’s proposed Bill for a constitutional referendum to widen access to candidacy. Independent Ireland has suggested that nominations should require the support of 20 members drawn from the combined pool of 160 TDs, 60 Senators, and 14 MEPs, or 80 individual councillors from across the country. These proposals would keep the bar high and eliminate some of the messers.
[ Handbag at the Dáil for Maria Steen as her Áras run comes to an endOpens in new window ]
It would also prevent councils from blocking candidates. Aside from official or unofficial party whips being applied, some councils organised meetings at the same time as other councils, then berated potential candidates for being disrespectful because they could not bilocate or trilocate.
As for Steen entering the race late, it is a fair criticism – but it is clear that some of the people who refused to back her would not have done so no matter when she started campaigning. Gareth Sheridan was also a victim of the establishment closing ranks, and he began his campaign months ago.
Commentators were busy mocking Steen for claiming to offer real choice. But can the three candidates running credibly claim to represent the segment of the electorate denied the choice to vote for Steen?
Opinion
Mark O’Connell: There is too much content, too much culture – and that’s just the stuff made by us humans
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To be alive in our time is to be bombarded from all sides, at all hours of the day and night, with text and images, with sound and information. I am increasingly aware, as I drift ever deeper into my forties, of a growing misalignment between all the things I want to read, and watch, and listen to, and the dwindling time I have in which to do it: the time in my day, and the unreckonable – but decreasing – number of years left to me. I haven’t read Don Quixote or The Man Without Qualities or The Interpretation of Dreams. Nor have I read, or even unwrapped, the last three issues of the London Review of Books, or for that matter most of the articles that are open in tabs on my laptop, and if you sent me an email in the last couple of days I probably haven’t read that either (sorry). I haven’t watched any of the new supposedly must-see television they keep making, and I haven’t listened to any of the podcasts people keep recommending to me. There is too much content, too much culture, too much text – and everyone keeps adding to it all the time! (I realise that I am adding to it, quite literally, as I write.)
There are times when I find myself daydreaming about a technological solution to this problem – some kind of AI brain implant, or perhaps radical life extension. But, so far at least, technology has been adding to the problem rather than making any serious attempt to solve it. The last thirty years or so of technological change has seen an exponential increase in the amount of digital stuff in the world: emails, streaming video, browser games, so forth. (Let’s not besmirch the innocence of these pages by even getting into the infinite proliferation of niche pornography.)
And now, among the various other benefits and nuisances it presents, generative AI is causing a considerable acceleration in the creation of content. Among the most dispiriting recent evidence of this was the announcement, in The Hollywood Reporter, of a new firm called Inception Point AI, which aims, via its Quiet Please podcast network, to flood the market with podcasts conceived, created and hosted by generative AI software. Its chief executive and co-founder is Jeanine Wright, former chief executive of Wondery, a hugely successful American podcast operation. “We believe that in the near future half the people on the planet will be AI,” she has said, “and we are the company that’s bringing those people to life.” (The use of the word “people” here is unsettling enough, let alone the Frankenstinian implications of a company bringing them “to life”, but this is the sort of puerile Prometheanism that has long appealed to a growing class of Silicon Valley money people.)
The company is still very much in the start-up phase; it has a team of eight people, four of whom are “working with content”. The topics for podcasts are, said the article, selected “with the help of AI, based on Google and social media trends.” The company then launches perhaps five different versions of the podcast, under different titles, to see which, if any, of them might catch on. The podcasts are given titles that are search engine-optimised to an almost parodic degree. Among the more than 4,000 podcasts already available from Quiet Please are: “Garden”, a podcast about gardening; “Snakes”, a podcast about snakes; “Anna Wintour”, a podcast about retired US Vogue editor Anna Wintour; “Chuck Mangione”, a podcast about American jazz flugelhorn legend Chuck Mangione; and “Lawn”, a podcast about lawns. Notably, “Lawn” shares an AI presenter with “Garden” – the indefatigable “Nigel Thistledown”, whose Instagram profile introduces him as a “tweed-wearing garden wizard creating whimsical landscapes.”
The use of Thistledown as the voice of two only very marginally different-seeming slop products is an indication of the business’s unique, if largely theoretical, selling point. Even if “Lawn” only gets a fraction of the number of listeners of “Garden”, the cost of producing it is still essentially zero, as is the effort. Likewise, with “Communism” – presented by the “sharp-tongued, fedora-wearing” Maxwell Tate, whose artificial speaking voice is, unexpectedly, eerily similar to that of former US president Barack Obama. Even if the market for an LLM-generated (and presumably therefore error-ridden) history of communism is minuscule, there is still money to be made from it: in this particular situation, the people who control the means of production no longer have to contend with human labour. The sharp-tongued, fedora-wearing Maxwell Tate may well address this very irony in the series itself, for all I know; I couldn’t get any more than thirty seconds into it. (If “Communism” is a little too radical for your taste, by the way, they’ve got another one called “Socialism”, also presented by Maxwell Tate, who is clearly exactly the Nigel Thistledown-type figure the left has for so long been in need.)
As so often with AI-generated products, the question all of this raises is: who on Earth needs or wants this slop? Wright, as it happens, has taken issue with that term, on behalf of the AI “people” she represents, and the work they do. “I think that people who are still referring to all AI-generated content as AI slop are probably lazy luddites,” as she put it. Her invocation of the term “Luddite” is strangely telling here. She is using it in the colloquial sense of a reactionary opposition to technology per se. The actual Luddites were textile workers of the early 19th century who destroyed machinery in specific protest not against technology per se, but against the way in which new machinery was threatening the livelihoods of skilled labourers, and turning out inferior products. These were people, in other words, who at the dawn of modern capitalism saw the tidal wave of slop cresting the distant horizon.
I am not a Luddite, at least not in the colloquial sense. I might even be something of a techno-optimist, in that I believe there must be a technological solution to the problem of all this trash being pumped into our online spaces. In fact, that solution may already exist, in a slightly different form: the filter built into your email client that recognises spam messages. It’s not perfect by any means, but email would be unusable without it. What we need is a slop filter, a technology that recognises AI-produced content and blocks it before it gets anywhere near us. That’s a business idea I could get on board with.
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