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Munster off to winning start under new boss Clayton McMillan

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Scarlets 21

Munster 34

Rob Cole reports from Parc y Scarlets

AS FIRST DAYS at the office go new Munster head coach Clayton McMillan couldn’t have asked for much more from his new charges as they picked up a full house of five points at Parc y Scarlets.

The former Chiefs boss, well versed in Super Rugby, got his first taste of one of the northern hemisphere’s top leagues and saw his players out muscle their hosts and, more importantly, outscore them by four tries to three.

You now have to go back nine games to 2019 for the last time Munster lost to the Scarlets and even though the home side had a 9,000+ crowd backing them on a day when hundreds of fans staged a march from the Llanelli town centre to the ground in protest at the Welsh Rugby Union’s plans to possibly cut the number of regions from four to two next month, McMillan’s men never let the obvious emotion of the occasion knock them out of their stride.

Despite a second half rally from the home team, who had won their final four home matches last season, in which they scored three tries, Munster controlled the game from start to finish. The scored first, from a driving line-out, led 13-0 at half-time, extended their advantage with an early score after the break and ended with the required four tries.


Munster head coach Clayton McMillan. Ben Brady / INPHO


Ben Brady / INPHO / INPHO

New centre Dan Kelly, a summer recruit from Leicester Tigers, linked superbly in midfield with player of the match Alex Nankivell and acting skipper Craig Casey directed operations very well at the heels of a pack that did almost everything he asked of them.

‘’It was a really proud day for me and my family captaining the side and the forwards put in a hell of a shift. We asked them to deliver and they really fronted up,’’ said Casey.

‘’We knew it was going to be difficult but we want to build on a positive pre-season. I think we did that.’’

Munster may have arrived without some legendary stalwarts following a summer cull and a string of retirements, but they quickly got to grips with the conditions and the home side. No Conor Murray, no Peter O’Mahony, no Stephen Archer, no Dave Kilcoyne, no worries.

McMillan arrived in Limerick with a big reputation after steering the Chiefs to three Super Rugby finals in a row from 2023 to 2025. He also previously worked with the New Zealand U20 team, as well as working with the Maori All Blacks and All Blacks XV.

The Scarlets started brightly but were guilty of giving away too many penalties at the breakdown. Hands in the cookie jar cost them dearly in the 10th minute when it allowed JJ Hanrahan, back at No 10 for Munster for a third spell, to kick to the left corner.

The throw went to Jean Kleyn, the drive came on and skipper for the day Craig Casey merely stole away from the maul as it turned to cross unopposed. The TMO came in to check for possible obstruction, but Scottish referee Sam Grove-White declared he was happy and Hanrahan added the extras.

That filled the visitors with confidence and they spent the majority of the half on the first half on the front foot. Thaakir Abrahams was just knocked into touch inches short of the corner flag and before another breakdown offence gave Hanrahan the chance to make it 10-0 midway through the half with a simple penalty.

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shane-daly-comes-up-against-blair-murray
Shane Daly comes up against Blair Murray of Scarlets. Ben Brady / INPHO


Ben Brady / INPHO / INPHO

A charging run out of his 22 and up to the home 10 metre line by No 8 Brian Gleeson off the base of a scrum gave Munster a great opportunity to add to their lead. Hanrahan kicked cross field to Shane Daly, but he was brought down five metres short.

Then Hanrahan added another penalty around the half-hour mark to extend the lead to 13 points and it was looking all too easy for the visitors. The Munster defensive wall kept Scarlets at bay in the final few minutes of the first half to keep them scoreless and when Mike Haley waltzed over two minutes after the restart for a try that Jack Crowley, who replaced Hanrahan at the break, the lead went to 20.

To their credit the Scarlets did manage to conjure up two second half tries from Blair Murray and Ellis Mee, both converted by Sam Costelow, and then pinched an interception score at the posts from Taine Plumtree.

But Munster powered on to the bonus-point with further tries from impressive newcomer Dan Kelly and then Tom Ahern.

Scarlets scorers:

Tries – B Murray (48), E Mee (63), T Plumtree (75)

Conversions – S Costelow [2/2], J Hawkins [1/1].

Munster scorers:

Tries – C Casey (10), M Haly (42), D Kelly (58), T Ahern (70)

Conversions – J Crowley [3/3], JJ Hanrahan [1/1]

Penalties – JJ Hanrahan [2]

SCARLETS: B Murray; T Rogers (M Page 64), J Roberts, J Hawkins (J Williams 51), E Mee; S Costelow, G Davies (D Blacker 72); A Hepburn (S O’Connor 47), Harry Thomas (K Myhill 62), Henry Thomas (H O’Connor 57), J Ball, M Douglas (D Davis 73), T Davies (J Taylor 43), J Macleod (captain), T Plumtree

MUNSTER: M Haley; S Daly (S O’Brien 69), D Kelly, A Nankivell, T Abrahams; JJ Hanrahan (J Crowley 41), C Casey (captain, P Patterson, 71); J Loughman (J Wycherley 49), N Scannell (L Barron 37), O Jager (C Bartley 62), J Kleyn (T Ahern 51), F Wycherley, J O’Donoghue, A Kendellen, B Gleeson (G Coombes,53)

Referee: Sam Grove-White (Scotland).

Written by Rob Cole and originally published on The 42 whose award-winning team produces original content that you won’t find anywhere else: on GAA, League of Ireland, women’s sport and boxing, as well as our game-changing rugby coverage, all with an Irish eye. Subscribe here.

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Sanctions reimposed on Iran 10 years after landmark nuclear deal

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Sweeping UN economic and military sanctions have been reimposed on Iran – 10 years after they were lifted in a landmark international deal over its nuclear programme.

The new measures took effect as the three European partners to the deal – the UK, France and Germany – activated the so-called “snapback” mechanism, accusing Iran of “continued nuclear escalation” and lack of co-operation.

Iran suspended inspections of its nuclear facilities – a legal obligation under the terms of the 2015 deal – after Israel and the US bombed several of its nuclear sites and military bases in June.

Its President Masoud Pezeshkian insisted last week that the country had no intention of developing nuclear weapons.

The reintroduction of sanctions – which Pezeshkian described as “unfair, unjust, and illegal” – is the latest blow to a deal that was heralded as a turning point in Western relations with the long-ostracised Islamist nation when it was first struck.

The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) places limits on Iran’s nuclear installations, its stockpiles of enriched uranium, and the amount of research and development it can undertake.

It aims to allow Iran to develop its nuclear power infrastructure without straying into making nuclear weaponry.

Iran stepped up its banned nuclear activity after Donald Trump pulled the US out of the agreement during his first term as president in 2016.

He has persistently criticised the deal, negotiated under his predecessor Barack Obama, as flawed, vowing to negotiate better terms.

The US and Israeli bombing of nuclear facilities in June was intended to reverse some of Iran’s nuclear progress, as well as punish it for arming regional proxies that have repeatedly attacked Israel.

While Trump said these had caused “monumental damage”, others cast doubt on the extent to which they had hindered Iran’s nuclear programme.

Iran said the strikes “fundamentally changed the situation” and rendered international support for the nuclear deal “obsolete”.

European allies that remain party to the deal still hope negotiations will yield a cooling of tensions.

“We urge Iran to refrain from any escalatory action,” they said in a joint statement, adding: “The reimposition of UN sanctions is not the end of diplomacy.”

Talks between the three countries and Iran on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly earlier this week failed to produce a deal which would have delayed the sanctions being reimposed.

The foreign ministers of the so-called E3 said they had “no choice” but to trigger the snapback procedure, as Iran had “repeatedly breached” its commitments.

They cited Iran’s failure to “take the necessary actions to address our concerns, nor to meet our asks on extension, despite extensive dialogue”.

Specifically, they mentioned Tehran’s refusal to co-operate with the UN nuclear watchdog, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).

“Iran has not authorised IAEA inspectors to regain access to Iran’s nuclear sites, nor has it produced and transmitted to the IAEA a report accounting for its stockpile of high-enriched uranium,” the statement read.

The suspension of IAEA inspections began following the US/Israeli bombings, but the agency confirmed on Friday that they had resumed.

In a statement on Sunday, Iran said it did not recognise the “illegal” and “unjustifiable” sanctions.

Its foreign ministry warned that “any action aimed at undermining the rights and interests of its people will face a firm and appropriate response”.

Pezeshkian has softened earlier threats of Iran quitting the Non-Proliferation Treaty altogether – but has warned that a return of sanctions would put negotiations in jeopardy.

He told reporters on Friday that Tehran would need reassurances that its nuclear facilities would not be attacked by Israel in order to normalise its nuclear enrichment programme.

He also rejected a US demand to hand over all of Iran’s stockpile of enriched uranium in return for a three-month exemption from sanctions, saying: “Why would we put ourselves in such a trap and have a noose around our neck each month?”

Western powers and the IAEA say they are not convinced by Iran’s insistence that its nuclear programme has purely peaceful purposes.

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Government to guarantee £1.5bn loan to Jaguar Land Rover after cyber shutdown

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The government will underwrite a £1.5bn loan guarantee to Jaguar Land Rover (JLR) in a bid to support its suppliers as a cyber-attack continues to halt production at the car maker.

Business Secretary Peter Kyle said the loan, from a commercial bank, would protect jobs in the West Midlands, Merseyside and across the UK.

The manufacturer has been forced to suspend production for weeks after being targeted by hackers at the end of August.

There have been growing concerns some suppliers, mostly small businesses, could go bust due to the prolonged shutdown.

About 30,000 people are directly employed at the company’s UK plants with about 100,000 working for firms in the supply chain. Some of these firms supply parts exclusively to JLR, while others sell components to other carmakers as well.

It is believed to be the first time that a company has received government help as a result of a cyber-attack.

It is hoped the loan will give suppliers some certainty as the shutdown continues, with production not expected to resume at JLR’s UK facilities until 1 October at the earliest.

The government will underwrite the loan through the Export Development Guarantee (EDG), a financial support mechanism aimed at helping UK companies who sell overseas.

The loan will be paid back by JLR over five years, in an effort to boost the firm’s cash reserves as it makes a “backlog of payments” to its suppliers.

No cars have been built this month, and the company has stopped placing orders with its 700 suppliers.

A parliamentary committee said some small suppliers had told them they had, at most, one week left before they ran out of cash.

The halt in operations is thought to be costing JLR itself at least £50m per week.

The manufacturer, owned by India’s Tata Motors, typically builds about 1,000 cars a day at its three factories in Solihull and Wolverhampton in the West Midlands, and Halewood in Merseyside.

Kyle said the loan guarantee would help protect jobs in the West Midlands, Merseyside and elsewhere in the JLR supply chain.

“We are offering a £1.5bn credit facility to JLR with the explicit intention that that is to support the supply chain into JLR as well,” he said.

“This is a big moment: this will offer an enormous resource for JLR and the supply chain to get through the immediate challenges that they face.

Chancellor Rachel Reeves said: “Today we are protecting thousands of those jobs with up to £1.5bn in additional private finance, helping them support their supply chain and protect a vital part of the British car industry.”

Shadow business secretary Andrew Griffith welcomed the government’s support but said it “took too long to get there” and called on Labour to form a cyber reinsurance scheme to protect British businesses from state-backed actors.

Liberal Democrat business spokesperson Sarah Olney also praised the move but said the government had been “too slow to act”, adding it should also be prepared to provide a furlough scheme for affected workers if required.

Union Unite, representing thousands at JLR and in the supply chain, described the government support as an “important first step”.

“The money provided must now be used to ensure job guarantees and to also protect skills and pay in JLR and its supply chain,” said general secretary Sharon Graham.

JLR was hit by a cyber-attack on 31 August. A group calling itself Scattered Lapsus$ Hunters has claimed responsibility for the hack.

It was also behind a number of high-profile attacks on retailers earlier this year, including Marks & Spencer and Co-op.

JLR workers have been told to stay home since 1 September, with no firm return date provided.

A JLR spokesperson said: “Our teams continue to work around the clock alongside cybersecurity specialists, the NCSC and law enforcement to ensure we restart in a safe and secure manner.

“The foundational work of our recovery programme is firmly under way, and we will continue to provide regular updates to our colleagues, retailers and suppliers.”

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Ireland’s Central Bank governor wants to raise the retirement age – why are politicians so quiet?

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THERE’S A SCARY story told to government ministers late at night. It goes something like this.

“Once upon a time, there was a country with a young working age population. But then, the people grew old and grey.

“Soon, the country was spending too much money funding everyone’s pensions. There wasn’t enough for everyone else.

“And when the people asked what happened, the financial experts pointed at the politicians and said: ‘Told you so’.”

Hey, I didn’t say it was a good story. Or a happy one. But you get the gist – the above is a scenario which may now be playing out in real time.

That’s certainly the concern of Central Bank governor Gabriel Makhlouf, who warned during the week that the national retirement age will need to rise as Ireland’s population ages.

His speech to an OECD (a group of wealthy nations) meeting isn’t particularly pleasant reading.

“We also need to look beyond the traditional definition of working age population… and boost participation in the post-60/65 population,” he said.

“In a world of longer lifespans and health spans, sustaining living standards will need people to work beyond what is currently considered ‘typical’ retirement age.”

In a nutshell – live longer, work longer.

To the best of anyone’s knowledge, Makhlouf is not someone who gets his kicks out of making life worse for senior citizens.

He isn’t suggesting people should work longer because he wants them to. It’s because, as things stand, it seems to be one of the few ways to keep the state pension system from collapsing.

The fund behind Ireland’s pension system is expected to start recording deficits of €3.5 billion per year as early as 2040. By then, without drastic changes, Ireland could be in deep trouble.

Ireland’s political leaders know this.

But while you’ll find plenty of experts and finance analysts happy to talk about the many ways the state pension system is falling apart, it’s not something government leaders tend to be in a hurry to discuss.

Sure, the government will announce PRSI hikes as a way to raise extra money (while taxing workers more).

But multiple experts have said this won’t even come close to solving the problem by itself.

As previously pointed out by The Journal, the government expects PRSI increases to eventually contribute about €1.7 billion per year to state funds.

The pension deficit will double that by 2040, and then continue to grow worse every year, as the population keeps ageing.

Most approaches of how to deal with this tend to boil down to – get people working longer. Or tax them more.

Neither are pleasant options. But, given how Ireland’s pension system currently works and the rapidly ageing population, it’s hard to find other solutions.

The blame game

So, why aren’t politicians talking about it?

Well, the reason is simple – they’re terrified of being blamed for raising the state pension age.

For an example, look back to the most recent time the pension debate truly gripped the Irish national consciousness – during the 2020 general election.

Currently, people start getting the state pension once they hit 66. However, the government had planned to raise it to 67 in 2021 and 68 in 2028.

This proposal became a massive issue during the 2020 general election.

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Various opposition parties egged this on, with the likes of Sinn Féin claiming that the ‘demographics will look after themselves’. With the latest figures showing a 23% surge in the over 65 population between 2019 and 2025, this unfortunately looks unlikely.

However, the new government then scrapped the age increase. Instead, it kicked things to touch by establishing a pensions commission. Because if there’s one thing Ireland lacks, it’s commissions.

Funnily enough, the commission did actually still recommend increasing the state pension age. But doing it much more slowly.

Instead of raising the age to 67 by 2021, the new plan was to raise it to 67 by 2031, conveniently beyond the government’s term.

This is somewhat of a theme with raising the pension age. Much like defrosting the freezer, it’s always a task for another day.

Again, it’s understandable. Look at the likes of France, where the government planned to raise the state pension age from 62 to 64.

The plans triggered an enormous public backlash, with sustained protests. Some demonstrations reportedly saw turnout of over 1 million people.

The government ended up pushing through the law anyway. But similar pension age increases have been delayed in the UK due to ‘fears about a revolt by middle-aged voters’. It’s a common theme in plenty of countries.

Governments don’t want to deal with it, because why would they? It’s not so much grasping a nettle, as leaping head first into a thorn bush.

Rules for thee, not for me

It’s worth noting that the public backlash is understandable – no one wants to be told they’re in the generation that drew the short straw.

As economies such as Ireland’s are reportedly going strong, and corporate profits continue to rise, it seems perverse that people would have to work for longer.

There’s also an air of ‘rules for thee, but not for me’ over some of the proposals.

Back when Ireland’s state pension was set to rise to 68, politicians were reportedly part of a group which would still be able to retire at 65.

Even if that’s amended the next time some future government begrudgingly examines the issue, TDs and senior public servants still have famously generous pensions.

Hypothetically, if they deferred their pension age to 68 with everyone else, they’d be unlikely to struggle financially. Compare that to low wage workers struggling financially. For them, every extra year working is more of a burden.

This also makes it easy for political opponents to push back against governments. And easier for politicians to cave and put the problem on the back burner.

The problem – this isn’t going away.

Kicking it down the road

Ireland’s population is getting older. And the longer the state pension issue is left to fester, the worse it will get.

This is because the amount of money which needs to mount up will compound. It’s like Ireland’s ever-elusive housing targets.

You start year 1 with a target of building 50,000 homes each year for five years.

But then in year 1, you only build 30,000.

So now you should build 70,000 in year 2 to make up for it. But you only build 30,000 again – so now we’re 40,000 in the hole. You’re constantly chasing a setting sun.

With Ireland’s pension system, the government’s preferred solution has been to slowly raise PRSI. But as pointed out by the likes of the Irish Fiscal Advisory Council, this means taxes will end up rising higher in the end.

Why? Because the number of workers will shrink as the population ages. So a smaller number of people will have to make up the same amount of tax revenue – ie, pay even more taxes.

Unfortunately, as things stand, this story is set for an unhappy ending.

With politicians unwilling to risk voter blowback, and the public dead set against raising the state pension age, we’re at something of an impasse.

But this won’t get sorted by just ignoring it. Ireland’s politicians have to be honest with people about what is needed to sort the state finances long term.

Anything else is just endlessly kicking the problem down the road, until it eventually blows up in someone’s face.

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