Business
Lidl Ireland boss: We’re taking significant financial hit to keep beef price gap on competitors
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The reception area of Lidl’s Irish headquarters building in Tallaght hosts reminders of celebrations from earlier this year of its 25-year anniversary in Ireland.
“We have a Lidl throughout-the-years wall and the remnants of our celebrations from the summertime,” Robert Ryan, the chief executive of the firm’s Irish business, says before leading me upstairs towards the tasting kitchen.
This is where the quality of various meat, poultry and other food products are road-tested by a team of chefs and buyers to ensure they hit the mark on quality and that the cooking instructions are accurate.
“We haven’t quite figured out an air fryer recipe for steaks yet. I don’t think we’ll get there,” Ryan jokes, before inviting me to taste a variety of beef and steak products, the “vast majority” of which are supplied by Liffey Meats in Ballyjamesduff, in Co Cavan.
Irish grocery prices climbed by more than 6 per cent over the summer, with the rate of increase now more than three times higher than the general rate of consumer price inflation within the economy.
Figures out this week from data company Worldpanel by Numerator also reveal a sharp uptick in supermarket spending in the four weeks to September 7th.
The price of beef and other meat items have risen sharply over the past year, although Ryan argues that Lidl has managed to cushion the blow for consumers by taking a hit on its margin.
Lidl’s beef products have been subject to 20-25 per cent price inflation in the past year, according to Ryan.
“The price increases from our competitors have been significantly more and the farm gate prices have gone from €5.50 a kilo to close to €8 a kilo. That’s close to a 50 per cent increase in terms of what’s out there.
“We’re taking a significant [financial] hit but that’s something we’ve always been prepared to do when it comes to price. Irish beef is such an important category in the market and we won’t be found wanting when it comes to our prices on that [product].”
Ryan claims there is a 15 to 20 per cent “price gap” on these products between Lidl and “most of its competitors”.
“We’re prepared to maintain that at our expense and we’re quite proud of that,” he says.
For sure the deluxe range of products I got to taste (which included fillet and tomahawk steaks and chateaubriand) tasted delicious and were perfectly cooked by the in-house chef.
“Restaurant quality steak without the prices,” is how Ryan likes to put it, and he claims that the German discounter is poaching customers from rivals for its beef products.
He says Lidl has a 17.2 per cent share of beef sales, according to the Worldpanel figures while its overall share of the grocery market is put at 14.2 per cent.
“We sell more kilograms of beef than any other retailer within the island,” is his boast.
[ Lidl appoints Robert Ryan as CEO of Irish businessOpens in new window ]
Of course, it’s not just beef prices that have shot up recently. The price of coffee and butter have rocketed, and most other products have risen, too.
“As a retailer we can’t absorb all those but we absorb as much as we can. We’re prepared to sacrifice margin. We are a privately-owned business and the pressure for us is maybe not so much as others.”
Lidl doesn’t publish its financial accounts for the Republic, though its annual sales are reported to be well north of €1 billion. In the North, it’s accounts show a margin of about 2.5 per cent, and Ryan says the performance south of the Border would be in a similar ballpark.
He says Lidl can apply economies of scale from being part of a large global retailer. “We have access to one of the biggest wineries in Spain and our own production of coffee and ice cream. That’s what we offer the customers that our competitors don’t.”
Its Parkside range of DIY products is the biggest of its kind in Europe, Ryan adds.
We’re taking a significant [financial] hit but that’s something we’ve always been prepared to do when it comes to price
— Robert Ryan
Lidl has 188 stores in the Republic, with a stated aim to get to 200 by the end of 2026. New outlets have been announced for Killorglin in Kerry, Ballybough in Dublin, Carlow, and two stores in Galway (Portumna and Loughrea).
Meanwhile, a new shop will open in Maynooth in November at a cost of €10 million. Ryan says it will be Ireland’s first net zero store.
“That will be a template for how stores will be across the rest of the country,” he says, throwing in the fact that Lidl is the “owner of biggest number of solar PV rooftop panels” in the country.
“We invested in that a number of years ago.”
Each new store will have 35-40 full time staff and overall employee numbers will rise to about 6,000 by the end of 2026, if its growth goes to plan.
In February, Lidl committed to investing a further €600 million over the next five years, adding up to 35 new stores, and a €200 million new regional distribution centre in Cork.
[ 25 lessons from Lidl’s 25 years in IrelandOpens in new window ]
To borrow a company slogan, is Ireland approaching Full Lidl in terms of coverage?
“Things evolve with population growth,” Ryan says. “I’d be confident there’s room for growth beyond [2030] but that’s the target at the moment.”
Could Lidl get to 300 stores in the Republic? “Never say never but it would be a stretch.”
Ryan also has responsibility for the whole island, with both run out of the Tallaght HQ. Lidl has 1,500 staff in 43 stores in the North.
In terms of innovations, Ryan cites recent changes to its Lidl Plus loyalty programme – which he says has just under 2 million registered active users – where customers can now collect points that they can use to reduce their bills in store.
I grew up on checkouts from a young age and it’s in my DNA
— Robert Ryan
“In the tough market we have right now in terms of price they’re getting a little bit more [value] with their points.”
It has also just launched a click and pick up service for non-food items (the famous middle aisle products), that will be available across its network.
“You click, reserve online and then come to store to pick it up. We’ll see how it goes and look at further developments if that’s a success.”
In Britain, he says the collection rate has been in the “high 90s” percentage wise and he expects a similar rate here.
Self-checkouts will have been installed in half of its stores by the end of this year and will be in place in all of its new supermarkets.
“The demand [for these] has been phenomenal,” he says.
A charge levelled at Lidl is that you can’t do your full shop there, hence the discounter’s Full Lidl campaign.
Ryan says it has the top 100 consumer brands in store, and branded products account for about one-third of its sales. He declines to put a percentage figure on sales of middle aisle goods versus grocery products for “competition” reasons.
It uses more than 400 Irish suppliers, spending €1.2 billion on goods and services, he adds.
Retail is in Ryan’s blood. His grandmother moved to Dublin from Tipperary to open a shop in Rialto, just south of the city centre.
Retail is challenging but I have a grá and a passion for it
— Robert Ryan
His father Michael and an uncle later took over the business, comprising a Centra convenience store, an off-licence and a “couple of newsagents”.
“I grew up on checkouts from a young age and it’s in my DNA. I grew up in that environment and it teaches you so much about efficiencies, waste and getting value for the customer. I was on the checkout from nine or 10 years of age right up to leaving university.”
Ryan did a business degree in what was then the Dublin Institute of Technology “to keep the options open” and expected to go into the family business until Lidl entered the Irish market and caught his eye.
He’s been with the German company for 22 years, apart from a three-year stint with Superquinn after Feargal Quinn had sold it to a consortium of investors.
“I expected to go into the family business but then Lidl opened in Ireland and I’ve been here ever since apart from a short stint in Superquinn. It was probably written in the stars.”
What was Superquinn like? “It was chaotic but a great learning curve,” he says.
His time with Lidl includes three and a half years with the British business, including a stint as chief operating officer (COO). He was COO in Ireland for more than five years before stepping up to the top job.
Retail is a tough industry, often involving long days and unsocial hours.
Ryan says he “loves the cut and thrust” of the job. “To this day, my favourite part of the week is getting out to meet customers across the country. We do market research of course but the best research is shaking hands with customers and asking them what’s missing in our range.
“And they always mention what they can’t get and that’s what I’ll take back to my buying team and we’ll look at the figures and numbers and see what we can do.
“Retail is challenging but I have a grá and a passion for it.”
Is there much oversight from its German owner?
“In Ireland we make our own decisions and we run the business as we see fit. They are close to the business here as you would expect but … we get great freedom to run the business.”
“Efficiency is in our DNA. As a board we begin each week in store on the shop floor, we speak to customers as a board. I’ve never yet come back to the building without a to-do list for our teams from speaking to customers. That’s generally around efficiencies … how we get something at the best value.
“A number of years ago we reduced the lux levels in our stores by just a fraction but that meant a direct saving correlating to the customer on products.”
Founded in 1930 as a food wholesaler, Lidl now operates in more than 30 countries with 12,000-plus stores. It is owned by the Schwartz group.
[ Grocery price inflation tops 6% as back-to-school shopping drives sales surgeOpens in new window ]
Irish executives percolate through the senior ranks of the German retailer. Its global chief executive is an Irishman, Ken McGrath, while Ryan reminds me that four other countries are run by Irish people, including the French operation, which is run by JP Scally, his predecessor in Tallaght.
“That doesn’t happen by chance. It’s because we do retail very well in Ireland. We regularly see people come from international [business] to look at our offering and the competition in the market and they leave saying ‘yeah, Ireland is at a very high level’.”
Ryan is just 43 and has been in the top job in Ireland for a year now. Might he one day spread his wings to another part of Lidl’s global operation?
“The beauty of Lidl is that it does offer opportunities internationally. But I’m very happy in Ireland. We’ve a lot more to do here. We have significant expansion plans and I’m ready to keep the business moving forward and chasing down our competitors. That’s enough for now.”
CV
Name:
Robert Ryan
Job:
Chief executive Lidl Ireland & NI
Age:
43
Location:
Lucan, Co Dublin.
Family:
Married with three daughters, aged 14, 11 and nine.
Hobbies:
“Triathlon when I can. Avid reader, everything from leadership books to autobiographies to fiction. And coaching my girls’ football team. It’s a great way of getting free from the stresses of the week.”
Something you might expect:
He does all his shopping in Lidl. “There are a number of pantry items that once or twice a year we buy elsewhere but 99 per cent of our shopping comes from Lidl. My kids have grown up on Crownfield cornflakes and Fallon’s tea [which is a collaboration with Bewley’s].”
Something that might surprise:
“I recently did a white collar boxing event for the local Lucan Sarsfield GAA club. Getting punched in the face is not something I particularly enjoyed. I did about six weeks training and there were 700 people at it. It took me right out of my comfort zone.″ He lost.
Business
Is Britain’s ailing Conservative Party finally over?
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It’s difficult to remember a time when both the Tories and Labour were simultaneously imploding. Normally one party’s difficulties are a godsend for the other.
But UK politics is fracturing and the established order with it.
“The Conservative Party is over, over as a national party, over as the principal opposition to the left,” MP Danny Kruger said earlier this month after defecting to Nigel Farage’s right-wing populist Reform UK.
The East Wiltshire politician, a lifelong Tory activist, campaigner and formerly David Cameron’s chief speech writer, was the first sitting MP in the current parliament to defect to the Reform party.
Kruger’s party shot, delivered with a gleeful Farage looking on, was self-serving and vitriolic – politics is a blood sport – but for many it was accurate read on the current Tory malaise.
After a decade of infighting, several disastrous spells in government and a revolving door leadership (they’ve had six leaders in 10 years), the party looks worn out.
A recent YouGov poll put the party that has dominated British politics for the last 100 years in fourth place behind Reform, Labour and the Liberal Democrats with just 16 per cent of the popular vote, its lowest vote share with YouGov.
History buffs and psephologists have begun to speculate on whether the Tories might now be on the same trajectory as the Liberal Party was in the 1920s.
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The party of Lloyd George and Henry Asquith was riven by factional infighting and defections (several related to the Irish question) and went on to be evicted from its half of the political spectrum by a resurgent Labour Party whose vote had been amplified by the Representation of the People Act of 1918 which enfranchised the working class.
The UK’s first-past-the-post voting system has for more than a century blocked the emergence of new political forces while giving the Labour/Tory duopoly an ironclad grip on power, but a populist backlash over immigration appears to have brought the country to a tipping point.
[ How the Nigel Farage factor could upend the Belfast AgreementOpens in new window ]
Out of the 1,641 seats available in the country’s recent local elections, Reform UK came away with 677, just over 41 per cent.
The average share of the vote for both Labour and the Tories across the 1,282 wards fell to a record combined low of 36.8 per cent. Before that it had never been lower than 50 per cent combined.
The Christian Democrat/Socialist binary that held sway in Europe for much of the 20th century has been smashed to pieces by two decades of mass migration and accelerating inequality, the defining socio-economic trends of the era.
The ruling parties in Italy and France were only formed in 2012 and 2016 respectively, making them parvenus in political terms, but also reflective of the current fluidity.
Tribalism has engulfed European conservatism and Kemi Badenoch’s Conservative Party appears to be next on the chopping block.
Brexit has played a major role, fracturing the party’s core demographic.
“In prioritising the more working-class voters in the north and midlands, the Tories, in essence, sacked the other half of its electoral coalition,” Financial Times political commentator Robert Shrimsley wrote recently.
“They scorned the major cities, graduates and much of the well-heeled south. But that Leave-voting demographic is more drawn to Faragist politics.”
Badenoch has failed to match Farage on immigration and fails to distinguish her party’s position on immigration from that of Reform’s.
That her party failed to keep a lid on illegal immigration when in power for the last 10 years doesn’t help.
In a bid to halt this trend, she has pivoted to focusing more on the UK’s ailing economy where Labour is seen as weak and where Reform is seen to lack credibility.
Former party bigwig James Cleverly’s return to the shadow cabinet reflects this gear change.
Badenoch attributed her party’s wipeout performance in the general election to its having “talked right, but governed left”, the sort of maxim that appeals to the party’s traditional base.
But her vision of a low-tax, less-regulated Britain is the sort of jaded Thatcherism that every Tory leader articulates.
It cuts no ice with voters inflamed by mass immigration and illegal Channel crossings as the opinion polls consistently indicate.
Badenoch‘s main party rival, Robert Jenrick, seems intent on pushing the party further right to chase Reform, a shift that will further alienate its young, professional class base. He also seems to be openly plotting against her.
Like the Liberal Party of the 1920s, both wings of the Conservative Party now seem on mutually exclusive tracks. They would probably have split by now but for the UK’s idiosyncratic electoral system.
What started as a Eurosceptic schism during the John Major era in the 1990s has grown into a compound fracture on immigration.
Former prime minister David Cameron’s attempt to seal fissure through 2016’s Brexit referendum only succeeded in blowing it wide open.
Boris Johnson and Liz Truss maxed out this dynamic and left office in a hail of recrimination from which the party has not recovered and may not recover.
Badenoch looks paralysed by her predicament.
Business
Budget ‘judgement call’ to make whether to boost childcare places or slash fees, says Harris
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GOVERNMENT WILL HAS to make a “judgement call” in this year’s Budget about whether to invest resources into boosting the number of childcare places or whether to slash fees further, according to Tánaiste Simon Harris.
The Programme for Government commits this government to progressively reduce the cost of childcare to €200 per month per child.
However, asked whether parents will see further fee reductions in this year’s Budget, Tánaiste Simon Harris said:
“I think that the judgment call for us in this budget is going to be, how much do you invest in the capacity piece versus is there also room to do stuff on the fees?”
Speaking to The Journal in Washington DC, he said the government will get the cost down to €200 per month, but over the lifetime of the government, rather than in the short-term.
“In my own hometown, people say to me, that’s good that you reduced childcare [costs], and we have quite a few times… but it’s not much use to reduce the price if you can’t get a place,” he said.
Choice between increasing place numbers or reducing fees
Speaking to reporters in Canada, Taoiseach Micheál Martin also indicated that ensuring there are more childcare places must be a priority.
“Places is a growing issue… we’re acutely aware of the pressure on places and the need for more places,” he said. When asked if the priority will be more rolling out more places over cutting fees for parents, Martin replied: “It depends. I mean, the discussion is on.”
The Tánaiste said the government needs to show parents there is a way forward when it comes to childcare costs.
“I am meeting far too many people around the country, disproportionately women, not exclusively, but disproportionately women, who are now having to make decisions, or find themselves making decisions, about their labour force participation, their career, their work, based on an inability to access child care. It’s not good enough,” said Harris.
The Journal has reported extensively on the strain experienced by families around the country as they try to access the limited childcare places available — and afford the high fees.
The Tánaiste said there are 21 commitments in the programme for government on childcare, stating that how these will be tackled will be set out in a new action plan on childcare.
In June this year, Children’s Minister Norma Foley announced that some families that are facing the highest childcare costs in the country will see their weekly fees reduced from this month.
The reduction will impact families in around 10% of early learning and childcare providers that are in receipt of core funding from the State.
The Taoiseach has said that tackling child poverty is a key focus in this year’s Budget, and while the two-tier child benefit scheme might not be ready in time for October’s Budget a boost to the child-support payment will attempt to be equal substitute.
He told his party think-in in Cork last week that the additional support will channelled through an increase in the child support payment, which is understood to be increasing by €4 weekly for under-12s and €8 for over-12s.
Social welfare payments won’t to rise as much as last year
As for social welfare increases, as reported by The Journal earlier this month, the pension and other social welfare payments are not expected to rise at the same rate as last year.
With warnings of tighter purse strings and minimal tax cuts in this year’s budget, government sources have indicated that a weekly social welfare hike of €10 is more realistic for Budget 2026 than what people received last time round.
In last year’s budget, all weekly social welfare payments (including jobseekers benefit and allowance, illness benefit, disability allowance, and others) increased by €12.
Separately, on the issue of the Rent Tax Credit, the Tánaiste said the government has increased it on a number of occasions.
“We’ve done that because we believe it, it provides some degree of support to people at a time of very high rents,” stating that he is certainly committed to its continuance.
“Whether we’re in a position to increase it does remain to be seen,” he said.
The rent tax credit of €1,000 per person – or €2,000 for a couple – is likely to rise again, especially due to the changes to rent regulations announced earlier this year.
In an interview with The Journal, prior to the election, Martin pledged to boost the Renters’ Tax Credit to €2,000 per person.
Fine Gael, in its election manifesto promised to increase Rent Tax Credit to €1,500 per renter or €3,000 per couple, to support tenants in managing expenses.
In the programme for government, there is a commitment to progressively increase the Rent Tax Credit.
Breaking News
Cause of fish kill on Blackwater river in Cork ‘has not been identified’ – report
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A large fish kill in the Blackwater river in Cork cannot be explained, the final report on the incident has concluded.
Some potent substance killed 32,000-42,000 fish – mostly prized salmon and trout – last month but multiple agencies involved in the investigation cannot say what it was.
Seven days may have passed between the incident that led to the kill and the first tests of possible sources.
The report by the agencies says the substance likely entered the river as early as August 5th and dead fish were spotted on August 9th but the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) only became aware of the situation on August 12th. That date was the first day the EPA took samples from discharge flows from industries near the river and its tributaries.
The subsequent investigation also involved Inland Fisheries Ireland, the National Parks and Wildlife Service, Cork County Council, Uisce Éireann, the Marine Institute, the Departments of Environment and Agriculture and the HSE.
Their joint report says dozens of industrial and commercial sites were inspected, multiple samples of water, fish and other river creatures were taken and 900 potentially damaging substances were tested for, but no conclusive results emerged.
“Despite the significant investigation by members of the inter-agency group, the pollutant or the source, that caused the fish mortalities has not been identified,” they said.
The most they could determine was an approximate time and location of the original incident.
“It may be concluded that a waterborne irritant likely entered the river Blackwater around 5/6 August, around 72 hours before the first mortalities were observed on 9 August 2025,” the report states.
This likely happened “at an unidentified point most likely upstream of the uppermost limit of Inland Fisheries Ireland observed mortalities (main channel between Gortmore and upstream of Roskeen Bridge 13 August)”.
However, it “dissipated quickly rendering it undetectable in water samples and fish tissue samples”.
Most of the dead fish were found around Mallow but dead and injured fish were found from Banteer, 22km upstream of Mallow, to Castletownroche, 17km downstream.
Anglers reported distressing scenes of dead and dying fish with multiple marks and lesions, swollen eyes and damage to their gills.
While the investigation identified no pollution source, the report says North Cork Creameries, the largest licensed facility near where the fish kill occurred, will continue to be closely monitored by the EPA after it found recent breaches of its licence.
[ Rules to protect Ireland’s fragile rivers are being repeatedly breachedOpens in new window ]
The report confirmed “non-compliances were detected in the wastewater treatment plant discharge from North Cork Creameries in the June to August period and were serious and entirely unacceptable”.
The licence breaches arose primarily due to a lack of organised management or control of wastewater treatment plant activities at the co-op, which discharges in the Allow, a tributary of the Blackwater.
The EPA also found “a lack of appropriate expertise to resolve significant operational issues, a failure to appropriately generate, manage, maintain and use critical data sets to inform corrective actions and a disregard for licence requirements and licence limits”.
“These compliance issues have not yet been fully resolved by the licensee, and the EPA is rigorously pursuing the enforcement of the licence breaches arising as a matter of priority and urgency, in line with its compliance and enforcement policy,” it added.
In April this year North Cork Creameries was convicted on eight counts for exceeding ammonia and nitrogen levels and fined €11,000 in a case brought by the EPA.
Minister of State with responsibility for fisheries Timmy Dooley said the investigation had been “exhaustive” and the findings provided reassurance that the incident was “a short-lived event, with no evidence of ongoing pollution risks”.
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