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Larry Donnelly: In this three-way race for president, everything is still to play for

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AND THEN THERE were three.

At last, we know that the Irish electorate will choose one of three – Catherine Connolly, Jim Gavin and Heather Humphreys – on 24 October when deciding who will succeed Michael D Higgins as Uachtarán na hÉireann. 

. Before getting down to analysis of the potential contours of the campaign, two of the hopefuls who failed to get on the ballot merit mention.

Gareth Sheridan, a 36-year-old entrepreneur who returned home from making millions in the United States with grand ambitions, managed to obtain the backing of Kerry and Tipperary County Councils. He was thwarted by the other councils he had targeted in a bid to garner an imprimatur from the required four.

Notwithstanding a baptism by fire in the media, some ill-judged messaging and unforced errors, Sheridan acquitted himself respectably for a political rookie.

Housing, in concert with additional challenges facing his generation in Ireland, was the central issue he raised in his short-lived bid. Of course, fixing this intractable crisis is not in the gift of the president, yet it is appropriately of utmost concern to the Irish citizenry.

Our parliamentarians have not solved the housing conundrum. Whether Sheridan would be willing to run in a future general election is a mystery. His outsider perspective and business credentials might render him attractive to a large cohort of women and men, young and old, who are frustrated with business as usual.

Maria Steen came close, oh so close, falling just two nominations shy of the necessary twenty from Oireachtas members. On Monday and Tuesday, the wind seemed to be with the socially conservative architect and barrister, particularly when the four TDs from Independent Ireland announced that they would row in behind her, followed by Minister of State Marian Harkin.

Steen hit a brick wall, however, in the form of the influential Senator Michael McDowell, who she must have been reasonably confident would lend her his support after she had worked effectively with him last year to defeat the family and care referendums. It has been reported that McDowell declined to even respond to or acknowledge her correspondence.

Maybe that could be considered bad manners, but regardless, that’s politics. The pressure tactics employed by the Steen camp online and elsewhere probably didn’t help her cause either. At any rate, Steen’s core adherents are furious, not just with McDowell and a few of his colleagues in the Seanad, but with what they deem an establishment cabal that was never going to allow a pro-lifer like Maria Steen to advance.

They gloss over the reality that, had Steen gone the council route and begun her quest months previously, she probably would have made it.

Speculation abounds as to why the excellent communicator left it so late.
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My own suspicion is that she formed the view latterly that Connolly, Gavin and Humphreys were all vulnerable and that she would emerge the clear victor from the crucial televised debates, thus giving her a chance of actually winning the contest in four weeks’ time.

Nonetheless, those aggrieved are currently pledging to spoil their ballots, to stay home on polling day or to vote in protest for the leftist independent Connolly.

While that space is worth watching, it may be that these declared intentions borne of anger won’t amount to much ultimately in light of the fact that most people aren’t fully keeping abreast of or moved significantly by these developments at this incipient stage.

The state of the race

Now, it is extremely difficult to forecast how this race will unfold. Precious little can be said with any degree of certainty. Let’s assess where the three candidates are situated.

Catherine Connolly has been undeniably buoyed by the endorsement of a united left, despite the visible cracks in that wall. To appeal outside what is a loyal and sizeable base, the passionate advocate for social justice will need to overcome seeds of doubt that have been planted and will continue to be planted with respect to her own ideology and her consequent suitability to serve as president.

Connolly’s inner circle asserts that her negatives are already in the ether, have been ventilated and have been put to bed. They wish. The following are red flags for many and will not go away: her past ties to Clare Daly, Gemma O’Doherty and Mick Wallace, her unwise trip to Syria and her trenchant criticism of Ireland’s key allies at a fraught moment when we are uniquely exposed to swirling dark clouds on the global horizon. When queried on this front by journalists, her attempts to clarify points and reassure the sceptics have been unconvincing.

Jim Gavin has an enviable and impressive CV. That said, the Dublin GAA legend remains an unknown and unproven political commodity. He evidently has gone down well in the one-to-one encounters he has had at the ploughing championship and at other events he has attended.

Yet his media engagements and communication on the airwaves to date have been less than stellar.

Having been ordained as the Fianna Fáil standard bearer by Micheál Martin, Gavin has to be “let loose” in the arena on his own two feet and to articulate the case for why he’s the man for the job, come what may. At the risk of being repetitive, but with the caveat that they are arguably more important for Gavin than his rivals, the high-profile debates could tell the tale.

Conversely, Heather Humphreys has been on the political scene for decades. She is perceived both to be a decent person and a committed public representative. As a Protestant from a border county, she is often portrayed as something of a transformative figure and her prior ministerial role endeared her to politicians in her own Fine Gael and beyond.

She is definitively the Fine Gael candidate, in contrast to Gavin, whose being parachuted in is resented by elements within Fianna Fáil.

Humphreys will be attacked for the missteps of the Government she was part of, though. Some consider her a limited politician and wonder if she has the gravitas typically associated with those who have been selected to be the president and this country’s de facto leading representative around the world. The Monaghan woman retired last year, referencing her health and energy levels. Still, here she is. This campaign will test her capacity.

Initial thoughts? My first guess is that Catherine Connolly will have to fare exceptionally well on first preferences and be substantially ahead of her foes to prevail. My second is that Heather Humphreys will do better on this front than Jim Gavin. My third is that Humphreys will be best placed of the three to draw second preferences.

Mind you, these are merely guesses. I am making no predictions. We are presented here with a rather unusual scenario that few could have envisaged at the start of the summer.

Larry Donnelly is a Boston attorney, a Law Lecturer at the University of Galway and a political columnist with The Journal.

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Trump announces new 100% tariff on some imported pharmaceuticals

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US PRESIDENT DONALD Trump has announced a raft of import taxes, including 100% on branded pharmaceutical drugs, to start on 1 October. 

Other measures will include 50% on kitchen cabinets and bathroom vanities, 30% on upholstered furniture and 25% on heavy trucks.

The additional tariffs risk intensifying inflation that is already elevated, as well as slowing economic growth, as employers getting used to Trump’s previous import taxes grapple with new levels of uncertainty.

Writing on his Truth Social platform, Trump said the tariffs on “any branded or patented” pharmaceutical products would not apply to companies that are building manufacturing plants in the US, which he defined as either “breaking ground” or being “under construction”.

It was unclear how the tariffs would apply to companies that already have factories in the US.

In August, it was announced that pharma and car exports from the EU to the US would be subjected to a 15% tariff rate in a trade deal struck between both parties. It followed months of uncertainty, which included threats from Trump that the tax could rise as high as 250% at one point.

It was not yet clear how these new tariffs, which will kick in next week, would factor into the existing measures.

Ireland is one of the biggest exporters of pharmaceutical products to the US. Pharma exports to US were valued at €19.9 billion for the first two months of this year, almost half of the value of all Irish pharma exports to the US in 2024 (€44.4 billion).

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The prospect of prices doubling for some medicines could also send shockwaves to US voters as health care expenses, as well as the costs of Medicare and Medicaid, potentially increase.

Trump said that foreign manufacturers of furniture and cabinets were flooding the US with their products and that tariffs must be applied “for National Security and other reasons”.

He said that foreign-made heavy trucks and parts are hurting domestic producers.

“Large Truck Company Manufacturers, such as Peterbilt, Kenworth, Freightliner, Mack Trucks, and others, will be protected from the onslaught of outside interruptions,” the president posted.

Trump has long maintained that tariffs are the key to forcing companies to invest more in domestic factories. He has dismissed fears that importers would pass along much of the cost of the taxes to consumers and businesses in the form of higher prices.

He continues to claim that inflation is no longer a challenge for the US economy, despite evidence to the contrary. The consumer price index has increased 2.9% over the past 12 months, up from an annual pace of 2.3% in April, when Trump first launched his sweeping tariffs. 

There is also no evidence that the tariffs are creating factory jobs or more construction of manufacturing facilities. Since April, the Bureau of Labor Statistics has reported that manufacturers cut 42,000 jobs and builders have downsized by 8,000.

“There’s no inflation,” Trump told reporters on Thursday. “We’re having unbelievable success.”

With reporting from Press Association

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Kneecap ban from Canada not raised with Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney

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TAOISEACH MICHEÁL MARTIN has said he did not raise the case of Kneecap being banned from entering Canada with the country’s Prime Minister Mark Carney yesterday as there have been no requests for representations to be made on their behalf. 

Kneecap have been banned from entering Canada for “glorifying terrorist organisations” ahead of their four scheduled gigs in Toronto and Vancouver next month.

In a video posted to his X account recently, Canadian MP Vince Gasparro accused the group of: “Advocating for political violence, glorifying terrorist organisations and displaying hate symbols that directly target the Jewish community”.

Kneecap has said they are taking legal action against Gasparro for the “wholly untrue and deeply malicious” comments.

Gasparro, who is Canadian Parliamentary Secretary for Combating Crime, said: “On behalf of the Government of Canada I am announcing that on the advice of our officials, we have deemed the group Kneecap ineligible to enter our country.”

“The group have amplified political violence and publicly displayed support for terrorist organizations such as Hezbollah and Hamas,” he said. 


Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney with Taoiseach Micheál Martin. Colleen Anne Photography


Colleen Anne Photography

The Taoiseach travelled to Ottawa in Canada yesterday to meet with the prime minister, with the focus primarily on trade.

When asked if he spoke to the prime minister about the case, Martin said:

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“No, I discussed the issues we had to discuss.”

He added that it was a matter of the Canadian authorities.

“Those issues tend to work themselves through”, he said.

He told the media that it was something Irish officials could work with officials in the Canadian administration on, but also added that no representations have been made to the Canadian authorities as “we haven’t been asked to”, said the Taoiseach. 

“We want mobility of musicians,” Martin said, who added that he would like Irish musicians to have access to other countries. 

Kneecap previously cancelled 15 sold-out US tour dates scheduled for October, citing the timing of an upcoming court hearing for band member Liam Óg Ó hAnnaidh in London.

Ó hAnnaidh, 27, who performs under the stage name Mo Chara, was charged in England in May, accused of displaying a flag of the Lebanese militant group Hezbollah during a London concert last November.

He denies the offence, and the band insist its members do not support Hamas or Hezbollah.

The case was adjourned until today, with Ó hAnnaidh released on unconditional bail until then.

Kneecap’s first US tour date had been set for 1 October, with 15 shows planned across 14 American cities.

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Chris Mason: Starmer’s irritation with Burnham shows as he seeks to tackle critics

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Chris MasonPolitical editor

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The prime minister will address a conference of centre-left leaders from around the world on Friday and argue it is time to “look ourselves in the mirror and recognise where we’ve allowed our parties to shy away from people’s concerns.”

A key theme of the Global Progressive Action Conference is about how the Labour Party and its sister outfits around the world take on Reform UK and their equivalents.

“This is the defining political choice of our times: a politics of predatory grievance, preying on the problems of working people… against the politics of patriotic renewal,” Sir Keir Starmer will claim.

And it is this challenge that unites the two big things in politics in the last 48 hours.

First there was the blizzard of headlines about the Mayor of Greater Manchester, Andy Burnham.

Then, conveniently timed, the blizzard of headlines yesterday afternoon about the government’s plans for compulsory digital ID.

This, yes, is the daily din of Westminster, but there is a signal amid the noise.

Personnel, policy and ambitions are all in the mix here, three of the staples of politics, but they are also both a symptom of the same thing: a party and a movement wrestling with how to confront what senior figures agree is a generational challenge – the rise of Reform UK.

This, for so many Labour folk, is not merely the traditional political tussle with the party’s oldest adversary, the Conservatives.

Instead, it is an insurgency which utterly horrifies so many of them.

It is Reform’s recent rise – and the durability of its support, up to now at least – that has fast forwarded the collywobbles in a vast parliamentary Labour Party so soon after a general election.

Of all the criticisms of Sir Keir, there is one that has stuck, almost to the point of cliche, and is acknowledged as being fair within government and beyond.

It is the persistent critique that there has long been a lack of definition about the government’s direction.

And it is into this perceived vacuum that Andy Burnham has stridden, again, to the intense irritation of Downing Street and plenty of Labour MPs.

I know what Labour should stand for and I’d know how I’d communicate it is the underlying message from Manchester, with the implication the prime minister isn’t doing either.

Sir Keir may not strike you as the kind of bloke to be frequently demonstrably angry or irritated.

But when a Labour prime minister compares a Labour colleague to former Conservative Prime Minister Liz Truss, you know just how narked he is by the whole thing.

The prime minister and those around him have long privately rolled their eyes at Burnham’s antics.

But when Sir Keir invokes the memory of a prime minister associated with economic calamity and near immediate political oblivion – and, on top of that, suggests his economic prospectus could lead to the same outcomes – you know he isn’t messing about.

Incidentally, the scale of the backlash from Labour MPs to Burnham’s interviews was quite the thing to witness.

Burnham has his supporters in the Parliamentary Labour Party, but boy, plenty told us he should just shut up.

And amid all this comes the crucial new detail about a plan the prime minister has talked up enthusiastically in recent weeks – digital ID.

The new key point – it will be compulsory.

Sir Keir will talk about the idea in his speech at a gathering also attended by Anthony Albanese, the prime minister of Australia, and Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney.

He hopes it is a practical example of how he can give definition to his premiership, have what he hopes is a useful tool in tackling illegal working and therefore illegal immigration, and give himself a useful political dividing line with his opponents.

Reform UK, the Liberal Democrats and the Scottish National Party are opposed to the plan.

The Conservative position is more ambiguous. They see it for now at least as a “desperate gimmick” but do remain open to being persuaded it is a good idea.

Is it something he can lean into as a defining idea of his time in office and help him address the predicament he and his party find themselves in? He has to hope so.

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