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If Starmer wants to beat Reform, he’ll need more than ‘patriotic renewal’ – whatever that is | Zoe Williams

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Keir Starmer was at his most clear today not in his speech to the Global Progress Action Summit in London, trailed as a fightback against the politics of hate and division, but in the panel afterwards. That’s when he said he wanted the next election to be an “open fight” between “Labour and Reform”. In the speech itself, however, he identified his enemies in the abstract. He was against the “politics of predatory grievance”, which used the “infrastructure of division”. He also made a lovely case for London at the start, with its plentiful pubs and pleasant parks, remarking wryly that it was nothing like “the wasteland of anarchy that some would have you believe”.

The problem is he needs to pick a lane. Either he was referring to Donald Trump’s comments at the UN earlier this week, when the leader of the free world said Britain’s capital had a “terrible mayor, terrible, terrible mayor, and it’s been changed, it’s been so changed. Now they want to go to sharia law”, in which case Starmer should say so. Or he was attempting to describe the ascendant hard right upturning our politics without identifying or reflecting upon its main mouthpieces, in which case, what the hell is he thinking?

One issue is that you very often cannot tell what the prime minister is thinking, so camouflaged is any thought under the buzzwords of the day. “Patriotic renewal” is today’s invention, which could mean anything from bunging some cash to a community centre to becoming a clean-energy superpower. If you ever feel dispirited by this pabulum, just be thankful you weren’t in whatever meeting it was probably dreamed up in at the Tony Blair Institute.

A far larger problem is the substance of Starmer’s fight with Reform. The most concrete announcement he made was that of digital ID cards, which will be mandatory for anyone trying to work in the UK. (It wasn’t in Labour’s 2024 manifesto, there are certainly people who wouldn’t have voted Labour had it been, but worrying about things like that feels very 20th century.) He explicitly proffered ID cards as a solution to illegal immigration. “It has been too easy for people to come here [and] slip into the shadow economy,” Starmer said. “We’ve been squeamish about saying things that are clearly true … the simple fact is that every nation needs to have control over its borders … our immigration system does need to be fair, otherwise it undermines trust, undermines people’s faith that we’re on their side.”

By his own words, then, he condemns his intelligence: if migrants are in the shadow economy, how are ID requirements in the regular economy supposed to deter them? It’s almost as though that’s not the question he’s trying to answer. What’s really going on is an attempt to echo the anti-migrant passions of Reform, while simultaneously coming up with solutions that don’t sound fanciful. Starmer’s animating question at the moment is this: how can he appeal to those who love authoritarianism while not alienating those who hate it?

Green energy was the other front of Starmer’s “fightback”, and he talked a decent game on renewables – first decrying Vladimir Putin’s boot on our neck, then promising nuclear, wind and solar energy, which would create jobs, drive down prices and address the climate crisis. We could cavil about the prominence of nuclear there, but the essence is fine. It broadly reiterates the promises made when Green New Deal was the buzz phrase, even if the surrounding emphasis on growth above all and fiscal responsibility hints that the ambition has been scaled right back.

Realistically, though, the speed at which this Labour government has rolled over on the issue of immigration and asylum seekers – accepting Reform’s insistence upon its salience, failing to make the positive case for migration – makes you wonder how long its green credentials will last, once the right has them in its crosshairs. Will Starmer’s green promises survive until Nigel Farage starts a new campaign to end net zero? Or will he start to falter as soon as Kemi Badenoch promises to bring down everyone’s energy bills with the dregs of the North Sea?

It’s a well-established feature, arguably the main feature, of any era where the hard right is on the march: elites make common cause with the masses, by means of an out-group, often racial minorities or people who aren’t citizens, and use the hatred thus generated as the abundant energy source for the movement. Our prime minister identified, in vague terms, a “cynical attempt to exploit [working class] fears” and kept himself above the fray, when in fact he is critical to the fray. He’s the poster boy of the ineffectual liberal who watches the world swerve to the right and tries to appease it with some light or, if you prefer, diet xenophobia. If we’re now talking about an “open fight” between Labour and Reform, let’s be open about this: he will not beat them by becoming more like them.

  • Zoe Williams is a Guardian columnist

Opinion

The Irish Times view on Shakespeare and the Leaving Cert: hang on to the Bard

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Minister for Education Helen McEntee is correct to dismiss the proposal to drop the compulsory study of Shakespeare from the higher-level Leaving Certificate English syllabus. Her response recognised what the National Council for Curriculum and Assessment’s draft specification appeared to forget: the work of the world’s greatest dramatist is a central pillar of literary education.

The context makes this more pressing. International research has pointed to a worrying decline in reading ability across English-speaking countries, with falling comprehension and limited critical vocabulary. Why would any educational authority wish to hasten that process by reducing exposure to challenging and enriching literature?

There appears to be a pattern here. A few years ago, former education minister Joe McHugh overruled the same body’s recommendation that history should not be a core subject in the revised Junior Cycle syllabus. That earlier decision, like McEntee’s now, recognised the value of giving all students a firm grasp of the cultural and historical forces that shape their world. It is worth asking whether this impulse to sever connections with the past is truly in the interests of young people.

Supporters of the proposed change argue for flexibility and a broader range of modern voices. But the Leaving Certificate has already successfully widened its reach, giving space to more contemporary writers. There is no reason why such progress should come at Shakespeare’s expense.

His plays demand rigorous engagement. They teach students to read closely, to follow complex arguments, to recognise ambiguity and debate conflicting interpretations. Their exploration of ambition, jealousy, love and power still resonates. And they anchor students in a literary tradition that informs everything that has followed.

The proposal the Minister rejected would have narrowed, not widened, horizons. Future revisions should build on the principle of a rich and inclusive syllabus that can add new voices without discarding the foundations on which literary education rests.

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Opinion

It’s a jungle out there: Sorcha Pollak on growing up fast while working in the Amazon at 18

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Almost exactly 20 years ago, September 9th, 2005, to be exact, I stepped on board a flight that whisked me away from the secure, safe and reliably predictable first 18 years I’d spent on this earth.

Three months after sitting the Leaving Cert, when most of my peers were returning from post-exam holidays and making final arrangements before embarking on university life, I set off for South America.

In many ways September 9th was the day my journalism career began. With no mobile phone and limited access to a landline in my new Peruvian home, I kept a weekly blog of my experiences working with children in Iquitos, a city deep in the Amazon jungle, accessible only by plane or boat. In 2005, writing a blog was still a novel endeavour, at least within my social circle.

It offered a young, aspiring writer the blank page to share her ideas and experiences without (too much) judgment. These were the days before angry keyboard warriors. Let’s be honest, the small number that did exist had no interest in the idealistic musings of a Dublin teenager.

Social media and smartphones had not yet taken over our lives. Facebook only became available for a small number of Irish students in 2006. Before this, we occasionally logged into the slow-moving, clunky Bebo on our parents’ desktop computers.

Households lucky enough to own a computer often relied on a modem connection. In short, people’s lives were not yet posted in real time, communication could truly be cut off and one could genuinely disappear into a jungle and rely primarily on letters and care packages containing newspaper cuttings for contact with the outside world.

Each Saturday, after a week of homework clubs, music lessons, toddler nappy changes and poorly dubbed movies, my fellow volunteer and I took a motor-taxi down the dusty, unpaved Avenida José Abelardo Quinones to Iquitos’s Plaza Mayor, where we spent two sweaty hours writing emails and blog posts and catching up with family members on MSN chat.

From there, we headed to the bustling Belén market to pick up our papaya and mango supply for the week, often stopping by the bank or cinema lobby to avail of the cool, air-conditioned air pumped into only a handful of city centre buildings.

While temperatures rarely exceeded 35 degrees in Iquitos, the daily humidity hovered between 85-90 per cent and our electric fan broke early in the year. My teenage body was forced to quickly acclimatise and two decades on, I still enjoy my deepest sleeps when visiting hot climates.

The heat wasn’t all bad – it forced us to explore the tributaries of the Amazon in long wooden canoes with newly found friends, seeking out swim spots where we spent afternoons munching on fried plantain and sipping glass bottles of Inca Kola – a bubblegum-flavoured, highly addictive, yellow soda that remains a staple beverage across Peru.

The twice-to-three-times-weekly power cuts, often leaving us without light or running water, were just another quirk of jungle city life.

I was undeniably homesick – for my parents, my sister, pasta and Dairy Milk. I was confronted with grief for the first time in my young life, mourning the loss of my grandmother while her funeral was held in a Dublin church thousands of miles away.

I kept getting sick and ending up on a drip in the crowded and chaotic local hospital (they eventually discovered a parasite had set up camp in my gut). But yet, I loved it all.

Earlier this month I spent 36 hours in Manchester with the two women I shared that year with. The Mancunian I lived with, another naively idealistic 18-year-old who was forced to become my unofficial carer during those regular hospital visits, is now an emergency transplant nurse. There was prescience in her caring abilities.

Our conversation over those two days meandered between children, pregnancy, miscarriages, housing costs, job struggles and relationship grievances. All the topics you’d expect a trio of western white women in their late 30s to discuss.

But every now and then, our chats would diverge in a different direction, to recollections of hiking through landslides, drinking in bars hanging over the banks of the Amazon, hallucinations caused by our daily dose of Larium – an antimalarial drug that was subsequently withdrawn from sale – and being abducted by a gun-carrying criminal gang in the Bolivian capital of La Paz on the eve of the election of Evo Morales in 2005 (this actually happened).

I prefer not to reflect too much on what might have followed had a female police officer, who happened to be walking by the vehicle we’d been held in, not knocked on the window.

An Irish woman in Peru: ‘I found it easy setting up a business here’Opens in new window ]

And then there were the seemingly more mundane tasks of life in Iquitos – the weekly routine of caring for young children abandoned by their families in the “Aldea” where we lived and worked.

“Do you remember we used to walk the kids on a Sunday to the local prison to visit their parents,” asked my friend, recalling a memory I had totally erased from my mind.

Even today, the names of those children, some of whom were adopted outside Peru to countries around the world, names such as Orlando, Danisa and Luis, remain imprinted in my mind. Forever associated with the smiling faces that greeted me every morning for 12 months.

We also spoke of our admiration for our parents who allowed their teenage girls to quite simply disappear abroad. Years after my return, my unceasingly stoic mother admitted she cried herself to sleep for weeks following my departure. We 1980s millennials were not yet privy to the phenomenon of helicopter parenting. Lucky us.

Helicopter, free-range, concierge, lighthouse: What kind of parent are you?Opens in new window ]

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Opinion

The Guardian view on Labour conference: a clash of visions and direction, not egos and personnel | Editorial

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Sir Keir Starmer’s authority is fading. His poll ratings, and Labour’s, are disastrous. Key lieutenants are departing. With Labour conference looming, the talk is less about governing than about whether Manchester mayor Andy Burnham is positioning himself for the top job. In this context, Sir Keir’s speech on Friday to fellow centre-left leaders deserves close attention. It was continuity dressed as renewal: capital behind the wheel, social policy just along for the ride.

Tellingly, Sir Keir invoked “abundance” – the buzzword of American supply-side liberals and title of Ezra Klein and Derek Thompson’s eponymous book. In Washington, it is the banner for centrists who pin prosperity on deregulation, rapid infrastructure rollout and market-led growth, with redistribution an afterthought. Sir Keir rebranded it “social democracy”. This was some chutzpah: a rallying cry from a civil war inside America’s Democratic party dressed up as Britain’s progressive future.

In the UK, Sir Keir argues, the political flashpoint is illegal migration. He claimed it was too easy to slip into off-the-books work and stay. But migrants in Britain already live with digital proof of status: a nine-character share code handed to employers or landlords, who verify it against a Home Office database. Sir Keir now proposes to treat British citizens the same way. A universal digital ID, mandatory for the right to work, is presented as protection against a shadow economy and another Windrush scandal. In reality, it risks laying the foundations for something more far-reaching. A consultation will consider whether including “additional information … would be helpful”. That opens the door to the Tony Blair Institute’s vision: a unified digital infrastructure that can link health, welfare, housing, tax and migration records. This would be not just a work check, but a national data spine – a backbone of interoperable personal information, attractive to Big Tech. Fights loom over gender identity, police access for protest surveillance and corporate capture. Digital identity can be built as public infrastructure, empowering citizens and protecting rights as in Estonia and Denmark. Sir Keir’s choice seems to follow the Anglo-American, not European, script.

Enter Mr Burnham, sketching a different course. His “Manchesterism” sees national control of the essentials: housing, energy, transport, water. He wants prices regulated via public coordination to keep costs low. He says long-term borrowing should be used to build the social stock. He is unafraid to float another £40bn for social housing, or to dismiss “bond vigilantes” as arbiters of affordability. On the continent this is normal politics. In Britain it marks a bracing break with the post-1980s consensus.

The irony is that Sir Keir once campaigned on a similar programme: public ownership, higher taxes for the wealthy and a Green New Deal. One by one those promises were abandoned as high office came into view. What remains is cautious orthodoxy. Mr Burnham is offering Labour members what Sir  Keir once promised, before discarding it. That is, no doubt, why “Manchesterism” appeals to members and unsettles Downing Street. It is not nostalgia for municipal socialism, but closer to European models of interventionist capitalism: taming costs directly, rather than waiting for markets to deliver. The contrast is stark. Sir Keir sells continuity. Mr Burnham’s ideas offer rupture. The question for Labour conference is which future the party wants.

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