Opinion
I was elected mayor of Istanbul, but I write this from jail: Turkish democracy is under grave threat | Ekrem Imamoğlu
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Last year, I was reelected mayor of Istanbul with 51% of the vote. It was the second time I had defeated the government-backed candidate. The first was in 2019 when the mayoral elections were annulled on flimsy pretexts; voters returned to the polls and handed us a victory by an even larger margin.
But this year, democracy in Turkey has entered its most perilous phase. The process started in March on the eve of my nomination as the presidential candidate of the CHP, the century-old Republican People’s party. This was when my university degree was abruptly annulled. Why is this relevant? Because, under the Turkish constitution, one must have a university degree to be able to run for president. Soon after, I was accused of corruption and “aiding a terrorist organisation”. For six months, I have been behind bars, arrested on politically motivated corruption charges based on “anonymous” witnesses. In a country bound by the European convention on human rights, this is an outrage.
Nor am I alone. Across Turkey, more than a dozen mayors from the opposition are now imprisoned. Sadly, the numbers are rising all the time; more than a quarter of Istanbul’s districts have had their elected leaders arrested, silencing millions of voters in one of the world’s great cities.
From mayors in Adana and Antalya, to municipal staff in Istanbul, repression has reached every level. Hundreds of people languish in prison, including journalists, academics, businesspeople and students.Enes Hocaoğulları, a youth delegate to the Council of Europe, was detained for merely speaking out under Turkey’s vaguely worded laws on “misleading” the public. This shows how far the crackdown has gone. His release, after protests at home and abroad, is a small but telling victory for democratic resistance.
Let me be clear about what is happening. In the arrogance of unchecked power, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan is once more weaponising the courts against the democratic opposition. This time, opponents are being imprisoned and replaced with loyalists. Unable to shut down the CHP, the government is pursuing a case that will have the effect of erasing the CHP’s rising leadership by overturning the outcome of its 2023 national party congress. Earlier this month, a court moved to annul the CHP’s local congress in Istanbul, remove its chair and install a trustee.
The case against the CHP, which the government keeps dragging out in hopes of destabilising the main opposition and removing its legitimate leadership, marks a turning point in the effective dismantling of political pluralism. A system where judges replace elected leaders with handpicked stand-ins is no democracy at all.
Having hollowed out the republic’s institutions to build an authoritarian regime, Erdoğan now seeks to fabricate a compliant, hollow opposition. He intends to rewrite the rules so no genuine rival could survive, securing power in the style of Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak or Syria’s Assads. These are deliberate methods likely to be copied elsewhere tomorrow unless democrats everywhere stand together to resist them.
Erdoğan’s increasingly repressive tactics expose his eroding popular support and his desperate bid to preserve power. To avoid another defeat in the ballot box, he rewrites the rules. He relies on smear campaigns, corruption charges, efforts to divide the opposition and the ever-present “terrorist” label. Yet, this display of power has further undermined his legitimacy, leaving him increasingly dependent on a narrow minority and the machinery of the state.
The people of Turkey are no longer deceived. Protests fill the streets, and polls consistently place CHP as the country’s leading party. Since 19 March, the day I was detained and jailed, millions of citizens, even in Erdoğan’s supposed strongholds, have been participating in peaceful protests to demand justice and change, despite the risk of arrest and police violence. This resistance reflects Turkey’s 150-year tradition of parliamentary democracy. But resistance alone is not enough.
That is why the CHP is preparing a comprehensive roadmap for democratic transition, to build a resilient and inclusive alliance: win elections; stabilise the economy; restore judicial independence; combat corruption and organised crime; expand social rights; rebuild trust in institutions; and redefine Turkey’s role in a changing geopolitical landscape.
Turkey’s fight for democracy, freedom and justice is not Turkey’s alone. If a nation whose experience proves that democracy is a universal project slides deeper into autocracy, the consequences will reverberate far beyond its borders.
Yet I remain convinced: the will of the people will prevail. Our outrage in the face of injustices must be turned into a strategy. That strategy must involve building a new political culture and institutions that honour Turkey’s democratic legacy. If we achieve that, we will not only reclaim our democracy at home but help it rise again across the world.
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Ekrem Imamoğlu is the elected mayor of Istanbul and the presidential candidate for Turkey’s main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP)
Opinion
Despite Google’s recent victory, a flurry of competition cases could still change how the tech giants do business
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A US judge recently decided not to break up Google, despite a ruling last year that the company held a monopoly in the online search market. Between Google, Microsoft, Apple, Amazon and Meta, there are more than 45 ongoing antitrust investigations in the EU (the majority under the new EU Digital Markets Act) and in the US.
While the outcome could have been much worse for Google, other rulings and investigations have the potential to cut to the heart of how the big tech companies make money. As such, these antitrust cases can drive real change around how the tech giants do business – with implications both for their competitors and for ordinary users.
Some investigations focus on potential breaches of longstanding competition legislation, such as restricting the ability of software to work with other software, while others address controversies that have emerged only in the last few years.
Previous antitrust cases have been based on decades-old competition legislation, namely the US Sherman Act, passed in 1890, and the EU’s treaty on the functioning of the European Union, the first iteration of which was signed in 1957. More recent cases in the EU have been based on the newer Digital Markets Act.
A quick search shows at least 15 different countries (including individual countries within the EU) where competition authorities have initiated or concluded investigations into Google’s business practices.
When US Judge Amit Mehta decided not to order a break up of Google in August, or to force the company to sell off its internet browser, Google Chrome – which had both been raised as potential outcomes – he instead imposed a number of other commitments on the company.
Hefty fines
In September 2025, the European Commission also imposed a fine of €2.95bn (£2.5 billion) on Google, in relation to its search advertising practices. The commission said that Google favoured its own online display advertising technology services “to the detriment of competing providers”.
In a statement, Google called the fine “unjustified” and said the changes would “hurt thousands of European businesses by making it harder for them to make money”.
These investigations are not limited to the search giant, however. In the last few years, Microsoft, Apple and Meta have also been under investigation by the EU. So how should we interpret this flurry of enforcement against the tech giants and what does the future hold for them?
Competition investigations hit at the core of these companies’ business activities, so they have an extremely high incentive to fight for every conceivable aspect of their business model. Voluntarily giving some parts of their business up would mean foregoing substantial profits.
Companies clearly have to weigh up the potential downsides of compromising over their business approaches against hefty fines and major restrictions over how they operate in particular territories. In the US case involving Google, major changes to the company had been on the table, including a sell-off of the Google Chrome browser. Needless to say, this would have dealt a major blow to the company.
In 2023, the European Commission started an investigation into Microsoft over the company tying its Microsoft Teams software to its Office 365 and Microsoft 365 software suites. The investigation was initiated following a complaint by Slack, which makes software that competes with Teams.
The way this case concluded is one example of how tech companies can mitigate damage to their business. Microsoft presented its own commitments to the European Commission over the Teams investigation.
The tech giant had to amend its original proposal following market testing by the European Commission, but in September, they were accepted by the Commission. The commitments include making available versions of Office 365 and Microsoft 365 without Teams and at a reduced price.
Behaviour change
Where possible, by offering their own commitments, companies can retain a degree of control and, potentially, avoid a fine. Other recent cases show that those fines can be substantial. In April, the Commission fined Apple €500m after it said the company had breached the Digital Markets Act by preventing app developers from steering users to cheaper deals outside the app store.
In July, Apple launched an appeal against the decision, saying that the Commission went “far beyond what the law requires” in the dispute.
The commission has also investigated Meta over the company’s “pay-or-consent” advertising model. Under the model, EU users of Facebook and Instagram had a choice between their personal data gathered from different Meta services being combined for advertising, or paying a monthly subscription for an ad-free service. Finding that the company had breached the Digital Markets Act, the Commission fined Meta €200 million.
The commission says that when it decides that companies are not complying with legislation, it can impose fines up to 10% of the company’s total worldwide turnover. Such fines can go up to 20% in case of repeated infringement.
In cases of continued non-compliance, the commission can oblige tech companies to sell a business or parts of it, or banning them from acquisitions of other companies involved in areas related to their non-compliance.
Such intervention is likely to place boundaries on any big tech company with regard to their business practices towards competitors and users. As discussed, we have already started to see some evidence of this.
Users are now able to use different services from the companies without having to give consent to their data. There will also be changes in how users engage with some of these services. For example, you may not be able to click on a hyperlinked hotel in a map contained in search results in order to go to its booking website.
Reduced linking was carried out in the EU for Google Maps because of perceptions about the company’s dominance in the search market.
But overall, the expectation is that in the not too distant future, big tech will be more constrained in the business models they adopt, especially where they relate to market competition.
Opinion
The US Is Winning the AI Race – But for How Long?
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PARIS/MUNICH – It is tempting to view AI as merely another technological advance, but that is like saying the steam engine was just a faster way to pull a cart. In reality, AI is rapidly transforming the geopolitical order. While global power once rested on armies, oil, and control of sea and air, it now also depends on the data, talent, computational infrastructure, and legal frameworks needed to build and deploy cutting-edge models.
Opinion
Neuroscience finds musicians feel pain differently from the rest of us
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It’s well known that learning to play an instrument can offer benefits beyond just musical ability. Indeed, research shows it’s a great activity for the brain – it can enhance our fine motor skills,language acquisition, speech, and memory – and it can even help to keep our brains younger.
After years of working with musicians and witnessing how they persist in musical training despite the pain caused by performing thousands of repetitive movements, I started wondering: if musical training can reshape the brain in so many ways, can it also change the way musicians feel pain, too? This is the question that my colleagues and I set out to answer in our new study.
Scientists already know that pain activates several reactions in our bodies and brains, changing our attention and thoughts, as well as our way of moving and behaving. If you touch a hot pan, for example, pain makes you pull back your hand before you get seriously burned.
Pain also changes our brain activity. Indeed, pain usually reduces activity in the motor cortex, the area of the brain that controls muscles, which helps stop you from overusing an injured body part.
These reactions help to prevent further harm when you’re injured. In this way, pain is a protective signal that helps us in the short term. But if pain continues for a longer time and your brain keeps sending these “don’t move” signals for too long, things can go wrong.
For example, if you sprain your ankle and stop using it for weeks, it can reduce your mobility and disrupt the brain activity in regions related to pain control. And this can increase your suffering and pain levels in the long term.
Research has also found that persistent pain can shrink what’s known as our brain’s “body map” – this is where our brain sends commands for which muscles to move and when – and this shrinking is linked with worse pain.
But while it’s clear that some people experience more pain when their brain maps shrink, not everyone is affected the same way. Some people can better handle pain, and their brains are less sensitive to it. Scientists still don’t fully understand why this happens.
Musicians and pain
In our study, we wanted to look at whether musical training and all the brain changes it creates could influence how musicians feel and deal with pain. To do this, we deliberately induced hand pain over several days in both musicians and non-musicians to see if there was any difference in how they responded to the pain.
To safely mimic muscle pain, we used a compound called nerve growth factor. It’s a protein that normally keeps nerves healthy, but when injected into hand muscles, it makes them ache for several days, especially if you’re moving your hand. But it’s safe, temporary, and doesn’t cause any damage.
Then we used a technique called transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMS) to measure brain activity. TMS sends tiny magnetic pulses into the brain. And we used these signals to create a map of how the brain controls the hand, which we did for each person who took part in the study.
We built these hand maps before the pain injection, and then measured them again two days later and eight days later, to see if pain changed how the brain was working.

Yiistocking/Shutterstock.com
A striking difference
When we compared the brains of the musicians and the non-musicians, the differences were striking. Even before we induced pain, the musicians showed a more finely tuned hand map in the brain, and the more hours they had spent practising, the more refined this map was found to be.
After pain was induced, the musicians reported experiencing less discomfort overall. And while the hand map in non-musicians’ brains shrank after just two days of pain, the maps in musicians’ brains remained unchanged – amazingly, the more hours they had trained, the less pain they felt.
This was a small study of just 40 people, but the results clearly showed that the musicians’ brains responded differently to pain. Their training seems to have given them a kind of buffer against the usual negative effects, both in how much pain they felt and in how their brain’s motor areas reacted.
Of course, this doesn’t mean music is a cure for chronic pain. But it does show us that long-term training and experience can shape how we perceive pain. This is exciting because it might help us understand why some people are more resilient to pain than others, along with how we can design new treatments for those living with pain.
Our team is now conducting further research on pain to determine if musical training may also protect us from altered attention and cognition during chronic pain. And off the back of this, we hope to be able to design new therapies that “retrain” the brain in people who suffer from persistent pain.
For me, this is the most exciting part: the idea that as a musician, what I learn and practise every day doesn’t just make me better at a skill, but that it can literally rewire my brain in ways that change how I experience the world, even something as fundamental as pain.
This article was commissioned by Videnskab.dk as part of a partnership collaboration with The Conversation. You can read the Danish version of this article, here.
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