Opinion
How water fuels conflict in Pakistan
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For ten days in April 2025, Pakistan almost came to a standstill. No freight was moving from its only port city, Karachi, towards the population centres in the north. The cause was the government’s announcement of a project to build six canals to irrigate the Cholistan Desert in the east of the country.
Protesters in the southern Sindh province, fearing diminished water supplies, demanded the immediate cancellation of the project and blocked all highways running northwards. The government soon relented, with prime minister Shehbaz Sharif announcing the project’s suspension in early May.
This was probably, at least in part, because the government was anticipating Indian military action. India blamed Pakistan for the Pahalgam terrorist attack, in which 26 people were killed in Indian-administered Kashmir the previous month. Internal squabbles had to be diffused in the face of external threats.
Geopolitics handed a temporary victory to the protesters. But the potential of water to cause conflict in Pakistan remains a live issue, from households using suction pumps to draw more than their share, to large inter-provincial disputes.

Wars and climate change are inextricably linked. Climate change can increase the likelihood of violent conflict by intensifying resource scarcity and displacement, while conflict itself accelerates environmental damage. This article is part of a series, War on climate, which explores the relationship between climate issues and global conflicts.
As someone who has researched water scarcity in Pakistan for 30 years, I argue that water conflict there is entirely avoidable. It is largely a function of the state’s obsession with supply-side mega projects and a lack of attention to questions of equitable access and quality.
At a time when the effects of climate change are becoming more severe, Pakistan can ill afford to continue its engineering-based approach to water if it is to ensure sufficient access for all.
According to the Pakistani government’s own figures, more than 95% of the available water in Pakistan is devoted to agriculture. It is used to cultivate water-guzzling crops, including rice and sugarcane. Pakistan is the fifth-largest producer and fourth-largest exporter of these crops.
Meanwhile the country’s teeming commercial centre of Karachi, with a population of 18 million, suffers from acute water shortages. Affluent neighbourhoods have water intensive date palms, exotic gardens, golf courses and swimming pools.
But for more than 80% of the city’s poorer neighbourhoods, there is almost complete dependence on water from tankers at up to 30 times the price richer neighbourhoods pay for regular piped water.

Nadeem Khawer / EPA
Water mains often become battle fronts in Karachi. My own research has documented many instances of violent conflict between different ethnicities and groups around manipulating water mains to gain access.
The minority Christian community in the Gujjar Nala neighbourhood of Karachi, for example, has engaged in violent clashes with the neighbouring Pashtun community over the operation of the regulating valve for allocating water to the two communities.
Conflict has also arisen between the city’s predominantly Urdu-speaking communities of Orangi Town and Altafnagar. Orangi residents attacked and destroyed the overhead water dispenser at the Altafnagar pumping station in early 2015 as it was siphoning water for Orangi to commercial water tankers.
Conflict between provinces
Pakistan is dependent on the Indus River and its tributaries for water. The system recharges the extensive Indus aquifer, which provides up to 80% of the water required for crops in the country.
Inter-provincial conflict over the distribution of Indus River water between upstream Punjab province, where several of Pakistan’s largest cities are located, and downstream Sindh province is an ongoing saga.
Sindh resents any new water mega projects in the powerful Punjab province. Along with the central government, Punjab wants to push forward dams and infrastructure projects in the name of development.
The Sindh-Punjab water conflict had a resolution of sorts in 1991, when the Inter-provincial Water Accord was signed. The agreement allocated water from the Indus River system among Pakistan’s four provinces.
However, Sindh’s civil society and government frequently accuse Punjab of violating the agreement by diverting water from the Indus River without the permission of the chief minister of Sindh, as required by the accord.
Sindhi and Punjabi nationalist politics heavily feature the water conflict in their rhetoric, which is proving corrosive for the federation of Pakistan.
Numerous dams and mining projects in the restive Balochistan province have also alienated the populace against the Pakistani government. They argue that dams are built with little local consultation and become hazards when they are swept away in flash floods. Around 30 dams in Balochistan were swept away during the 2022 floods.
At the same time, massive amounts of water are appropriated by foreign-owned mining operations there. These operations are of little benefit to local populations. The ongoing insurgency in the province, and the associated human rights abuses by the Pakistani state, are not divorced from the politics of water.

thsulemani / Shutterstock
Pakistan’s water development paradigm is based on engineering and infrastructure. But under the greater uncertainty of climate change, what is needed is more adaptive and flexible management of water at the local scale.
The current approach locks the state into fixed management based on assumptions underlying the design parameters of the infrastructure.
During flood season, which typically runs from July to September, the design parameters of dams and other infrastructure are now routinely exceeded. Water has to be released to save the infrastructure, thereby accentuating flood peaks.
The bulk of agricultural water also comes from groundwater, but all the investment is in surface water. It is a common lament in Pakistan that groundwater has been left for unregulated exploitation by private electric pumps, with all the attention devoted to surface water.
In domestic water supply, the obsession for photogenic urban green spaces and mega supply projects also take away water from poor areas and resources from the much-needed maintenance of the distribution infrastructure.
Climate change is a wicked problem that defies centralised decision making in a country the size and diversity of Pakistan. Local knowledge and democratic decision making are the best arbiter of adjustment to climate change and equitable water access.
Yet, in a praetorian state like Pakistan, military-dominated governance is unfortunately moving in exactly the opposite direction.
Opinion
The Irish Times view on the presidential election: the battlelines are drawn
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And then there were three. Following an extended phoney war in the run-up to nominations closing this week, the battleines have now been drawn for the presidential election.
Four weeks from today, ballot boxes will be opened to reveal whether Catherine Connolly, Jim Gavin or Heather Humphreys will be Ireland’s 10th president.
At this point, all three will believe that victory is within their grasp. Connolly has assembled an impressively broad coalition of left-wing parties behind her and thus far has run the most modern and energetic campaign, with a string of public engagements including some high-profile podcasts. Her use of social and digital media seems well ahead of her rivals, reflecting a focus on younger voters who are more likely to be energised by her message on a range of subjects from Gaza to neutrality.
The campaigns of Humphreys and Gavin have been quieter. Humphreys has relied heavily on personality and biography. The former Fine Gael minister presents herself as a warm and familiar presence, focusing on local interactions and family history while rarely straying into policy. Gavin, making his electoral debut, is even more of an unknown quantity. Whether Micheál Martin’s decision to put forward the former Dublin football manager proves astute or naive will become clear in the coming weeks.
Both candidates appear to be keeping their powder dry. They declined to challenge Connolly’s recent controversial remarks on Hamas and German military spending. Their calculation may well make sense. In a contest almost certain to be decided by transfers, there is little to gain and much to lose by alienating voters too early. They may also believe that the election will be won or lost in the final 10 days of the campaign, when less committed voters finally begin to focus on their choice.
That strategymay be correct but carries its own hazards. Neither Gavin nor Humphreys has yet demonstrated the ability to capture the public mood with empathy and vision in the way the last three presidents did when seeking office. Mary Robinson, Mary McAleese and Michael D Higgins each offered a forward-looking, unifying message that voters could rally behind. It is not yet clear which of today’s contenders can match that feat. Already, all three have stumbled over quite basic questions on the campaign trail.
The first televised debate on Monday will be the electorate’s initial chance to judge them side by side. It will test Connolly’s positions, reveal whether Gavin can rise to the national stage and show if Humphreys can convert personal warmth into a compelling national message. For now, the race remains finely balanced, with the decisive moves still to come.
Opinion
The Irish Times view on Shakespeare and the Leaving Cert: hang on to the Bard
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Minister for Education Helen McEntee is correct to dismiss the proposal to drop the compulsory study of Shakespeare from the higher-level Leaving Certificate English syllabus. Her response recognised what the National Council for Curriculum and Assessment’s draft specification appeared to forget: the work of the world’s greatest dramatist is a central pillar of literary education.
The context makes this more pressing. International research has pointed to a worrying decline in reading ability across English-speaking countries, with falling comprehension and limited critical vocabulary. Why would any educational authority wish to hasten that process by reducing exposure to challenging and enriching literature?
There appears to be a pattern here. A few years ago, former education minister Joe McHugh overruled the same body’s recommendation that history should not be a core subject in the revised Junior Cycle syllabus. That earlier decision, like McEntee’s now, recognised the value of giving all students a firm grasp of the cultural and historical forces that shape their world. It is worth asking whether this impulse to sever connections with the past is truly in the interests of young people.
Supporters of the proposed change argue for flexibility and a broader range of modern voices. But the Leaving Certificate has already successfully widened its reach, giving space to more contemporary writers. There is no reason why such progress should come at Shakespeare’s expense.
His plays demand rigorous engagement. They teach students to read closely, to follow complex arguments, to recognise ambiguity and debate conflicting interpretations. Their exploration of ambition, jealousy, love and power still resonates. And they anchor students in a literary tradition that informs everything that has followed.
The proposal the Minister rejected would have narrowed, not widened, horizons. Future revisions should build on the principle of a rich and inclusive syllabus that can add new voices without discarding the foundations on which literary education rests.
Opinion
It’s a jungle out there: Sorcha Pollak on growing up fast while working in the Amazon at 18
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Almost exactly 20 years ago, September 9th, 2005, to be exact, I stepped on board a flight that whisked me away from the secure, safe and reliably predictable first 18 years I’d spent on this earth.
Three months after sitting the Leaving Cert, when most of my peers were returning from post-exam holidays and making final arrangements before embarking on university life, I set off for South America.
In many ways September 9th was the day my journalism career began. With no mobile phone and limited access to a landline in my new Peruvian home, I kept a weekly blog of my experiences working with children in Iquitos, a city deep in the Amazon jungle, accessible only by plane or boat. In 2005, writing a blog was still a novel endeavour, at least within my social circle.
It offered a young, aspiring writer the blank page to share her ideas and experiences without (too much) judgment. These were the days before angry keyboard warriors. Let’s be honest, the small number that did exist had no interest in the idealistic musings of a Dublin teenager.
Social media and smartphones had not yet taken over our lives. Facebook only became available for a small number of Irish students in 2006. Before this, we occasionally logged into the slow-moving, clunky Bebo on our parents’ desktop computers.
Households lucky enough to own a computer often relied on a modem connection. In short, people’s lives were not yet posted in real time, communication could truly be cut off and one could genuinely disappear into a jungle and rely primarily on letters and care packages containing newspaper cuttings for contact with the outside world.
Each Saturday, after a week of homework clubs, music lessons, toddler nappy changes and poorly dubbed movies, my fellow volunteer and I took a motor-taxi down the dusty, unpaved Avenida José Abelardo Quinones to Iquitos’s Plaza Mayor, where we spent two sweaty hours writing emails and blog posts and catching up with family members on MSN chat.
From there, we headed to the bustling Belén market to pick up our papaya and mango supply for the week, often stopping by the bank or cinema lobby to avail of the cool, air-conditioned air pumped into only a handful of city centre buildings.
While temperatures rarely exceeded 35 degrees in Iquitos, the daily humidity hovered between 85-90 per cent and our electric fan broke early in the year. My teenage body was forced to quickly acclimatise and two decades on, I still enjoy my deepest sleeps when visiting hot climates.
The heat wasn’t all bad – it forced us to explore the tributaries of the Amazon in long wooden canoes with newly found friends, seeking out swim spots where we spent afternoons munching on fried plantain and sipping glass bottles of Inca Kola – a bubblegum-flavoured, highly addictive, yellow soda that remains a staple beverage across Peru.
The twice-to-three-times-weekly power cuts, often leaving us without light or running water, were just another quirk of jungle city life.
I was undeniably homesick – for my parents, my sister, pasta and Dairy Milk. I was confronted with grief for the first time in my young life, mourning the loss of my grandmother while her funeral was held in a Dublin church thousands of miles away.
I kept getting sick and ending up on a drip in the crowded and chaotic local hospital (they eventually discovered a parasite had set up camp in my gut). But yet, I loved it all.
Earlier this month I spent 36 hours in Manchester with the two women I shared that year with. The Mancunian I lived with, another naively idealistic 18-year-old who was forced to become my unofficial carer during those regular hospital visits, is now an emergency transplant nurse. There was prescience in her caring abilities.
Our conversation over those two days meandered between children, pregnancy, miscarriages, housing costs, job struggles and relationship grievances. All the topics you’d expect a trio of western white women in their late 30s to discuss.
But every now and then, our chats would diverge in a different direction, to recollections of hiking through landslides, drinking in bars hanging over the banks of the Amazon, hallucinations caused by our daily dose of Larium – an antimalarial drug that was subsequently withdrawn from sale – and being abducted by a gun-carrying criminal gang in the Bolivian capital of La Paz on the eve of the election of Evo Morales in 2005 (this actually happened).
I prefer not to reflect too much on what might have followed had a female police officer, who happened to be walking by the vehicle we’d been held in, not knocked on the window.
[ An Irish woman in Peru: ‘I found it easy setting up a business here’Opens in new window ]
And then there were the seemingly more mundane tasks of life in Iquitos – the weekly routine of caring for young children abandoned by their families in the “Aldea” where we lived and worked.
“Do you remember we used to walk the kids on a Sunday to the local prison to visit their parents,” asked my friend, recalling a memory I had totally erased from my mind.
Even today, the names of those children, some of whom were adopted outside Peru to countries around the world, names such as Orlando, Danisa and Luis, remain imprinted in my mind. Forever associated with the smiling faces that greeted me every morning for 12 months.
We also spoke of our admiration for our parents who allowed their teenage girls to quite simply disappear abroad. Years after my return, my unceasingly stoic mother admitted she cried herself to sleep for weeks following my departure. We 1980s millennials were not yet privy to the phenomenon of helicopter parenting. Lucky us.
[ Helicopter, free-range, concierge, lighthouse: What kind of parent are you?Opens in new window ]
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