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‘You’d have to have been a turkey not to have made money in venture capital in 1997’

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Faced with deciding what to do when he left school, Fergal Mullen made the snap decision to study electronic engineering. It seemed like a good idea at the time but in fact Mullen’s calling lay elsewhere as he quickly discovered when an athletics scholarship saw him transfer from what was then Dublin Institute of Technology (DIT) – now TU Dublin – to Brown University in Providence, Rhode Island, where he combined engineering with business studies and a passion for distance running.

“Going to Brown was my ‘get lucky moment’. The curriculum was liberal arts based and as I was a bit bored with all the engineering stuff I started exploring subjects within the business studies curriculum such as economics and organisational behaviour and absolutely loved it,” says Mullen, who credits Irish Olympian athlete John Treacy for encouraging him to move Stateside and helping him get enrolled at Brown.

“I met John at a race – he won, I came second – and we hit it off immediately and are still friends,” says Mullen. “John took me to meet the coach at Brown, reeled off my times and left. I started there in September 1986.”

Going to live in the US wasn’t a big upheaval for Mullen as he had been there before on a J1 working as a golf caddie by day and gigging at night, playing Irish traditional music.

“Studying at Brown opened so many doors for me, and somewhere along the line I came across private equity and venture capital. I didn’t jump into this field immediately but it’s where I have spent the last 26 years of my career,” says Mullen.

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From Brown, Mullen joined US-based consulting firm Cambridge Technology Partners and spent 11 years there, rising to the rank of senior vice-president sales for the company in Europe. “I got large exposure to business in Cambridge at a very young age,” says Mullen. “We went public in 1993 and I wrote the IPO prospectus.

“We took the business from zero to $700 billion in revenues with 56 offices around the world. This equipped me with a broad set of business skills and experience in scaling, which I was then able to bring to my career in venture capital.”

In 2012, Mullen – who has an MBA from Harvard and is a former board member of the Michael Smurfit Graduate Business School in Dublin – cofounded the technology-focused investment firm Highland Europe, which employs 35 people and has offices in Geneva and London.

Highland invests in growth stage, product-led companies predominantly in software and consumer-facing internet businesses. Its sweet spot is companies turning over €10 million who are looking to raise €20-€80 million to accelerate their expansion.

“We have 70-plus companies in our portfolio with over €3 billion in assets under management,” says Mullen, who adds that Highland fishes in a competitive pool against some of the biggest names in international investment, including those from Silicon Valley.

The companies Highland invests in tend to be at the leading edge of their sectors and, to date, Highland has invested in and exited 29 ventures in areas such as mobile marketing, fraud prevention, software for waste and recycling, workplace scheduling software and online loan comparison.

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The company is a former investor in Limerick-based AMCS, which was sold last year, and more recently Highland has become an investor in 9 Fin, a Belfast-based debt market intelligence company.

“I’ve been hit by the luck truck more than once in my life,” says Mullen. “My first break was going to Brown and then to Cambridge, where the challenges and level of seniority entrusted to me were significant. I launched my first corporate fund there. It was $30 million, and we got a return of 10 times. That’s pretty extraordinary but I should point out that 1997 was the best year ever in the history of venture capital. You’d have to have been a turkey not to have made money at that time.

“At Highland Europe, we are 10 equal partners in the business and invest all over Europe. Each partner in the firm has five or six boards they sit on related to investments they’ve made, and we are about to raise our sixth fund, which will be €1 billion plus.

“Our investment decisions are based on consensus. We’re a ridiculously collaborative organisation with no fiefdoms, no office politics and no bullshit. We’re all completely equal and, if at any point I’m not delivering, my partners are perfectly entitled to ask me to move on.

“As investors, our hallmark is to back companies we believe can grow and scale a business. We’re not the kind of people who will come in and break up a team. We get behind them and support them to grow and achieve their full potential.”

Mullen lives about four kilometres from Geneva, “in a lovely quiet area with the lake and the mountains to enjoy. I divide my time between travelling, the office in Geneva and our office in London, where I spend three days every other week.”

Mullen still runs to keep fit and is quietly modest about the fact that he’s one of an elite group of athletes who have run seven marathons in seven consecutive days on seven continents. His efforts raised more than €1 million for a children’s cancer charity.

Apart from running, he relaxes by skiing and golfing and he also volunteers with Human Rights Watch in Geneva, where he is chairman of the Swiss branch.

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Sanctions reimposed on Iran 10 years after landmark nuclear deal

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Sweeping UN economic and military sanctions have been reimposed on Iran – 10 years after they were lifted in a landmark international deal over its nuclear programme.

The new measures took effect as the three European partners to the deal – the UK, France and Germany – activated the so-called “snapback” mechanism, accusing Iran of “continued nuclear escalation” and lack of co-operation.

Iran suspended inspections of its nuclear facilities – a legal obligation under the terms of the 2015 deal – after Israel and the US bombed several of its nuclear sites and military bases in June.

Its President Masoud Pezeshkian insisted last week that the country had no intention of developing nuclear weapons.

The reintroduction of sanctions – which Pezeshkian described as “unfair, unjust, and illegal” – is the latest blow to a deal that was heralded as a turning point in Western relations with the long-ostracised Islamist nation when it was first struck.

The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) places limits on Iran’s nuclear installations, its stockpiles of enriched uranium, and the amount of research and development it can undertake.

It aims to allow Iran to develop its nuclear power infrastructure without straying into making nuclear weaponry.

Iran stepped up its banned nuclear activity after Donald Trump pulled the US out of the agreement during his first term as president in 2016.

He has persistently criticised the deal, negotiated under his predecessor Barack Obama, as flawed, vowing to negotiate better terms.

The US and Israeli bombing of nuclear facilities in June was intended to reverse some of Iran’s nuclear progress, as well as punish it for arming regional proxies that have repeatedly attacked Israel.

While Trump said these had caused “monumental damage”, others cast doubt on the extent to which they had hindered Iran’s nuclear programme.

Iran said the strikes “fundamentally changed the situation” and rendered international support for the nuclear deal “obsolete”.

European allies that remain party to the deal still hope negotiations will yield a cooling of tensions.

“We urge Iran to refrain from any escalatory action,” they said in a joint statement, adding: “The reimposition of UN sanctions is not the end of diplomacy.”

Talks between the three countries and Iran on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly earlier this week failed to produce a deal which would have delayed the sanctions being reimposed.

The foreign ministers of the so-called E3 said they had “no choice” but to trigger the snapback procedure, as Iran had “repeatedly breached” its commitments.

They cited Iran’s failure to “take the necessary actions to address our concerns, nor to meet our asks on extension, despite extensive dialogue”.

Specifically, they mentioned Tehran’s refusal to co-operate with the UN nuclear watchdog, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).

“Iran has not authorised IAEA inspectors to regain access to Iran’s nuclear sites, nor has it produced and transmitted to the IAEA a report accounting for its stockpile of high-enriched uranium,” the statement read.

The suspension of IAEA inspections began following the US/Israeli bombings, but the agency confirmed on Friday that they had resumed.

In a statement on Sunday, Iran said it did not recognise the “illegal” and “unjustifiable” sanctions.

Its foreign ministry warned that “any action aimed at undermining the rights and interests of its people will face a firm and appropriate response”.

Pezeshkian has softened earlier threats of Iran quitting the Non-Proliferation Treaty altogether – but has warned that a return of sanctions would put negotiations in jeopardy.

He told reporters on Friday that Tehran would need reassurances that its nuclear facilities would not be attacked by Israel in order to normalise its nuclear enrichment programme.

He also rejected a US demand to hand over all of Iran’s stockpile of enriched uranium in return for a three-month exemption from sanctions, saying: “Why would we put ourselves in such a trap and have a noose around our neck each month?”

Western powers and the IAEA say they are not convinced by Iran’s insistence that its nuclear programme has purely peaceful purposes.

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Government to guarantee £1.5bn Jaguar Land Rover loan after cyber shutdown

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The government will underwrite a £1.5bn loan guarantee to Jaguar Land Rover (JLR) in a bid to support its suppliers as a cyber-attack continues to halt production at the car maker.

Business Secretary Peter Kyle said the loan, from a commercial bank, would protect jobs in the West Midlands, Merseyside and across the UK.

The manufacturer has been forced to suspend production for weeks after being targeted by hackers at the end of August.

There have been growing concerns some suppliers, mostly small businesses, could go bust due to the prolonged shutdown.

About 30,000 people are directly employed at the company’s UK plants with about 100,000 working for firms in the supply chain. Some of these firms supply parts exclusively to JLR, while others sell components to other carmakers as well.

It is believed to be the first time that a company has received government help as a result of a cyber-attack.

It is hoped the loan will give suppliers some certainty as the shutdown continues, with production not expected to resume at JLR’s UK facilities until 1 October at the earliest.

The government will underwrite the loan through the Export Development Guarantee (EDG), a financial support mechanism aimed at helping UK companies who sell overseas.

The loan will be paid back by JLR over five years, in an effort to boost the firm’s cash reserves as it makes a “backlog of payments” to its suppliers.

No cars have been built this month, and the company has stopped placing orders with its 700 suppliers.

A parliamentary committee said some small suppliers had told them they had, at most, one week left before they ran out of cash.

The halt in operations is thought to be costing JLR itself at least £50m per week.

The manufacturer, owned by India’s Tata Motors, typically builds about 1,000 cars a day at its three factories in Solihull and Wolverhampton in the West Midlands, and Halewood in Merseyside.

Kyle said the loan guarantee would help protect jobs in the West Midlands, Merseyside and elsewhere in the JLR supply chain.

“We are offering a £1.5bn credit facility to JLR with the explicit intention that that is to support the supply chain into JLR as well,” he said.

“This is a big moment: this will offer an enormous resource for JLR and the supply chain to get through the immediate challenges that they face.

Chancellor Rachel Reeves said: “Today we are protecting thousands of those jobs with up to £1.5bn in additional private finance, helping them support their supply chain and protect a vital part of the British car industry.”

Shadow business secretary Andrew Griffith welcomed the government’s support but said it “took too long to get there” and called on Labour to form a cyber reinsurance scheme to protect British businesses from state-backed actors.

Liberal Democrat business spokesperson Sarah Olney also praised the move but said the government had been “too slow to act”, adding it should also be prepared to provide a furlough scheme for affected workers if required.

Union Unite, representing thousands at JLR and in the supply chain, described the government support as an “important first step”.

“The money provided must now be used to ensure job guarantees and to also protect skills and pay in JLR and its supply chain,” said general secretary Sharon Graham.

JLR was hit by a cyber-attack on 31 August. A group calling itself Scattered Lapsus$ Hunters has claimed responsibility for the hack.

It was also behind a number of high-profile attacks on retailers earlier this year, including Marks & Spencer and Co-op.

JLR workers have been told to stay home since 1 September, with no firm return date provided.

A JLR spokesperson said: “Our teams continue to work around the clock alongside cybersecurity specialists, the NCSC and law enforcement to ensure we restart in a safe and secure manner.

“The foundational work of our recovery programme is firmly under way, and we will continue to provide regular updates to our colleagues, retailers and suppliers.”

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Ireland’s Central Bank governor wants to raise the retirement age – why are politicians so quiet?

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THERE’S A SCARY story told to government ministers late at night. It goes something like this.

“Once upon a time, there was a country with a young working age population. But then, the people grew old and grey.

“Soon, the country was spending too much money funding everyone’s pensions. There wasn’t enough for everyone else.

“And when the people asked what happened, the financial experts pointed at the politicians and said: ‘Told you so’.”

Hey, I didn’t say it was a good story. Or a happy one. But you get the gist – the above is a scenario which may now be playing out in real time.

That’s certainly the concern of Central Bank governor Gabriel Makhlouf, who warned during the week that the national retirement age will need to rise as Ireland’s population ages.

His speech to an OECD (a group of wealthy nations) meeting isn’t particularly pleasant reading.

“We also need to look beyond the traditional definition of working age population… and boost participation in the post-60/65 population,” he said.

“In a world of longer lifespans and health spans, sustaining living standards will need people to work beyond what is currently considered ‘typical’ retirement age.”

In a nutshell – live longer, work longer.

To the best of anyone’s knowledge, Makhlouf is not someone who gets his kicks out of making life worse for senior citizens.

He isn’t suggesting people should work longer because he wants them to. It’s because, as things stand, it seems to be one of the few ways to keep the state pension system from collapsing.

The fund behind Ireland’s pension system is expected to start recording deficits of €3.5 billion per year as early as 2040. By then, without drastic changes, Ireland could be in deep trouble.

Ireland’s political leaders know this.

But while you’ll find plenty of experts and finance analysts happy to talk about the many ways the state pension system is falling apart, it’s not something government leaders tend to be in a hurry to discuss.

Sure, the government will announce PRSI hikes as a way to raise extra money (while taxing workers more).

But multiple experts have said this won’t even come close to solving the problem by itself.

As previously pointed out by The Journal, the government expects PRSI increases to eventually contribute about €1.7 billion per year to state funds.

The pension deficit will double that by 2040, and then continue to grow worse every year, as the population keeps ageing.

Most approaches of how to deal with this tend to boil down to – get people working longer. Or tax them more.

Neither are pleasant options. But, given how Ireland’s pension system currently works and the rapidly ageing population, it’s hard to find other solutions.

The blame game

So, why aren’t politicians talking about it?

Well, the reason is simple – they’re terrified of being blamed for raising the state pension age.

For an example, look back to the most recent time the pension debate truly gripped the Irish national consciousness – during the 2020 general election.

Currently, people start getting the state pension once they hit 66. However, the government had planned to raise it to 67 in 2021 and 68 in 2028.

This proposal became a massive issue during the 2020 general election.

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Various opposition parties egged this on, with the likes of Sinn Féin claiming that the ‘demographics will look after themselves’. With the latest figures showing a 23% surge in the over 65 population between 2019 and 2025, this unfortunately looks unlikely.

However, the new government then scrapped the age increase. Instead, it kicked things to touch by establishing a pensions commission. Because if there’s one thing Ireland lacks, it’s commissions.

Funnily enough, the commission did actually still recommend increasing the state pension age. But doing it much more slowly.

Instead of raising the age to 67 by 2021, the new plan was to raise it to 67 by 2031, conveniently beyond the government’s term.

This is somewhat of a theme with raising the pension age. Much like defrosting the freezer, it’s always a task for another day.

Again, it’s understandable. Look at the likes of France, where the government planned to raise the state pension age from 62 to 64.

The plans triggered an enormous public backlash, with sustained protests. Some demonstrations reportedly saw turnout of over 1 million people.

The government ended up pushing through the law anyway. But similar pension age increases have been delayed in the UK due to ‘fears about a revolt by middle-aged voters’. It’s a common theme in plenty of countries.

Governments don’t want to deal with it, because why would they? It’s not so much grasping a nettle, as leaping head first into a thorn bush.

Rules for thee, not for me

It’s worth noting that the public backlash is understandable – no one wants to be told they’re in the generation that drew the short straw.

As economies such as Ireland’s are reportedly going strong, and corporate profits continue to rise, it seems perverse that people would have to work for longer.

There’s also an air of ‘rules for thee, but not for me’ over some of the proposals.

Back when Ireland’s state pension was set to rise to 68, politicians were reportedly part of a group which would still be able to retire at 65.

Even if that’s amended the next time some future government begrudgingly examines the issue, TDs and senior public servants still have famously generous pensions.

Hypothetically, if they deferred their pension age to 68 with everyone else, they’d be unlikely to struggle financially. Compare that to low wage workers struggling financially. For them, every extra year working is more of a burden.

This also makes it easy for political opponents to push back against governments. And easier for politicians to cave and put the problem on the back burner.

The problem – this isn’t going away.

Kicking it down the road

Ireland’s population is getting older. And the longer the state pension issue is left to fester, the worse it will get.

This is because the amount of money which needs to mount up will compound. It’s like Ireland’s ever-elusive housing targets.

You start year 1 with a target of building 50,000 homes each year for five years.

But then in year 1, you only build 30,000.

So now you should build 70,000 in year 2 to make up for it. But you only build 30,000 again – so now we’re 40,000 in the hole. You’re constantly chasing a setting sun.

With Ireland’s pension system, the government’s preferred solution has been to slowly raise PRSI. But as pointed out by the likes of the Irish Fiscal Advisory Council, this means taxes will end up rising higher in the end.

Why? Because the number of workers will shrink as the population ages. So a smaller number of people will have to make up the same amount of tax revenue – ie, pay even more taxes.

Unfortunately, as things stand, this story is set for an unhappy ending.

With politicians unwilling to risk voter blowback, and the public dead set against raising the state pension age, we’re at something of an impasse.

But this won’t get sorted by just ignoring it. Ireland’s politicians have to be honest with people about what is needed to sort the state finances long term.

Anything else is just endlessly kicking the problem down the road, until it eventually blows up in someone’s face.

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