Opinion
On Climate Change, the Market Is Wrong Again
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GENEVA – As business, government, and nonprofit leaders debate the future of climate action ahead of the United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP30) in Brazil, the global economy remains vulnerable to acute and chronic climate-driven shocks whose impact could be more severe than that of the 2008 global financial crisis. At a time when many governments and businesses continue to underestimate and underprice physical climate risk, we must remember that neither financial markets nor regulators are always right. What if their current complacency about climate risks is catastrophically wrong?
The 2008 financial crisis and its aftermath showed how fast our expectations can be shattered. In the mid-2000s, deregulation and simplification were the norm: balance sheets were run thin, and profits and losses ran high. Financial engineering boomed as risks were packaged, diluted, and obfuscated, and as credit was given where it hadn’t been earned.
In the face of all this, expressions of concern were drowned out by the din of transactions. But the signs were there. The fundamentals were not right.
By late 2008, the global economy was teetering on the brink of collapse. In the space of days, longstanding banking giants were swept away. Only government bailouts prevented the entire financial system from melting down.
The post-crisis banking sector looks very different than the one that preceded it. Owing to tougher rules and tighter oversight, good governance and resilience restored trust in the banking sector. Long-term investors – pension funds and insurance companies – patiently endured years of expensive recovery before value was restored and dividends resumed. If the banks had gone, so, too, would those holdings, and most of today’s financial system with them.
The post-crisis era was marked by collective humility and acceptance of systemic risk. This was reflected in the Financial Stability Board’s recognition in 2015 of climate change as perhaps the greatest systemic threat of all.
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Ten years later, however, our systems and processes remain ill-equipped to measure and manage the systemic risks posed by climate change. With the focus on climate issues slipping down investors’ agendas, this is a dangerous lapse. From broken supply chains and damaged assets to infrastructure shocks, public health crises, and community disruption, many businesses are already feeling the profound impact of climate change.
Nor is the problem confined to headline-grabbing disasters. Subtle, chronic effects are quietly eroding value, often in ways that our systems are ill-equipped to detect or manage. Once again, the fundamentals are not right.
Data from NASA underscores this point. US satellites show that the intensity of extreme weather events is now double the average recorded in the 2003-20 period. This trend has tragic consequences for human well-being. In Africa, for example, 23 million people faced acute hunger in 2023, owing to record droughts.
The global economy is also taking a beating. Research by the World Economic Forum finds that weather-related damage to businesses, infrastructure, and other fixed assets may have almost tripled since 2000. The bill for the last decade topped $2 trillion, with costs in 2022-23 alone reaching $451 billion.
Yet rather than take steps to mitigate these risks, many investors, corporations, and governments continue to incentivize activities that compound them. Leading companies must battle to convince their boards and investors to buy into forward-looking strategies. Banks – the traditional stewards of opportunity – are struggling to manage lending risk associated with new and emerging technologies. The business case for pre-emptive resilience and innovation just isn’t clear enough to overcome the allure of the status quo. In other words, markets are getting things very wrong once again.
One exception is the insurance industry. Experts at pricing risk, these firms are learning fast. Between 2023-24, climate-related disasters forced insurers to shell out $143 billion in claims payments. More and more of them are doing the math and concluding that climate coverage simply doesn’t add up. They must either hike premiums to exorbitant levels or exit the disaster-risk market altogether.
The latter scenario is all too likely. Günther Thallinger, a board member at the global insurer Allianz, recently warned that: “entire regions are becoming uninsurable” as key asset classes degrade “in real time.” If markets haven’t realized this, that is because it takes time to work through the system.
The parallels to past crises are clear. Again, expressions of concern are being drowned out. This time, though, the stakes are higher, the effects are more widespread, and the consequences will be irreversible. The global economy has a massive blind spot, and unlike in 2008, there is no one on the winning side of the short bet. We all will lose.
Of course, there is a difference between a systemic blind spot and an ordinary one. We know the spot is there, but our financial system cannot address it until it is translated into monetary terms. For this, we need to mobilize executive action across the private sector to improve how we measure, manage, and respond to climate risks. Working with capital providers, standard setters, and policymakers, we need to align actionable information with the need to allocate capital toward climate-change mitigation and adaptation.
But having the numbers is not enough. To paraphrase Ernest Hemingway, climate collapse is a process that happens slowly, then all at once. Businesses and investors must create and maintain the capacity for rapid change within our organizations and across our value chains and spheres of influence. This starts with humility and acceptance of systemic risk.
The 2008 financial crisis shocked the world and demonstrated that nothing can be taken for granted. The stakes now are far higher, and there can be no bailouts. We must pursue pre-emptive action, and we must do it immediately.
Opinion
Paracetamol use during pregnancy not linked to autism, our study of 2.5 million children shows
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United States President Donald Trump recently claimed that using the common painkiller acetaminophen (also known as paracetamol and by the brand name Tylenol in the US) during pregnancy is fuelling the rise in autism diagnoses. He then went on to suggest pregnant women should “tough it out” rather than use the common painkiller if they experience fever or pain.
This announcement has caused alarm and confusion worldwide. But despite Trump’s claim, there is no strong scientific evidence to back it up. Our study of nearly 2.5 million births in Sweden published in 2024 shows no evidence that acetaminophen use during pregnancy increases a child’s risk of autism. This is the largest study conducted on the subject to date.
To understand whether acetaminophen really poses a risk in pregnancy, we turned to Sweden’s national health registers, which are among the most comprehensive in the world. Our study followed nearly 2.5 million children born between 1995 and 2019, tracking them for up to 26 years.
Using prescription records and interviews that midwives conducted during prenatal visits, we could see which mothers reported using acetaminophen (about 7.5% of pregnancies) and which did not.
We also made sure to account for any variables that may have affected the results of our statistical analysis – including controlling for health factors, such as fever or pain, which would have influenced whether or not a mother used acetaminophen during her pregnancy. This was to ensure a more fair comparison between the two groups.
We then looked at the children’s neurodevelopmental outcomes – specifically whether they were diagnosed with autism, ADHD or an intellectual disability.
The real strength of our study came from being able to compare siblings. This allowed us to compare children born to the same mother, where acetaminophen had been used during one child’s pregnancy but not the other. We compared over 45,000 sibling pairs, where at least one sibling had an autism diagnosis.
This sibling design is powerful because siblings share much of their genetics and family environment. This allows us to tease apart whether the drug itself – rather than underlying family traits or health conditions – is responsible for any apparent risks for neurodevelopmental outcomes.
Acetaminophen use
When we first looked at the entire population, we saw a pattern that echoed earlier studies: children whose mothers reported using acetaminophen during pregnancy were slightly more likely to be diagnosed with autism, ADHD or an intellectual disability.
But once we ran the sibling comparisons, that association completely disappeared. In other words, when we compared sets of siblings where one was exposed in the womb to acetaminophen and one was not, there was no difference in their likelihood of later being diagnosed with autism, ADHD or an intellectual disability.

Dragana Gordic/ Shutterstock
Our study is not the only one to put this question to the test. Researchers in Japan recently published a study using a similar sibling-comparison design, and their results closely matched ours.
Importantly, they replicated our findings in a population with a different genetic background and where patterns of acetaminophen use during pregnancy are quite different. Nearly 40% of mothers in Japan reported using the drug during pregnancy. In comparison, less than 10% of Swedish mothers had used it.
Despite these differences, the conclusion was the same. When siblings are compared, there is no evidence that acetaminophen use during pregnancy increases the risk of autism or ADHD.
These findings mark an important shift from earlier studies, which relied on more limited data, used smaller cohorts and didn’t account for genetic differences. They also did not fully account for why some mothers used pain relief during pregnancy while others didn’t.
For example, mothers who take acetaminophen are more likely to also have migraines, chronic pain, fever or serious infections. These are conditions that are themselves genetically linked to autism or ADHD, as well as a child’s likelihood of later being diagnosed with one of these conditions.
These types of “confounding factors” can create associations that look convincing on the surface, but may not reflect a true cause-and-effect relationship.
That brings us to the real question on many people’s minds: what does this mean if you’re pregnant and dealing with pain or fever?
It’s important to recognise that untreated illness during pregnancy can be dangerous. A high fever in pregnancy, for example, is known to increase the risk of complications for both mother and baby. “Toughing it out,” as the president suggested, is not a risk-free option.
That’s why professional medical organisations such as the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists and the UK’s Medicines and Healthcare products Regulatory Agency continue to recommend acetaminophen (paracetamol) as the safest fever reducer and pain reliever during pregnancy when used at the lowest effective dose and only when necessary. This has been the guidance for decades.
Read more:
Paracetamol, pregnancy and autism: what the science really shows
Of course, if someone finds themselves needing to take acetaminophen regularly over a longer period of time, that’s a decision best made in consultation with their doctor or midwife. But the idea that acetaminophen use during pregnancy causes autism simply isn’t supported by the best available science.
The greater danger is that alarmist messaging will discourage pregnant women from treating pain or fever – putting both themselves and their babies at risk.
Opinion
The Irish Times view on presidential nominations: Too narrow a field
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Only a few days ago, it still seemed possible that voters would have a choice of up to six candidates in next month’s presidential election. But when nominations closed at noon on Wednesday, only three names had made it on to the ballot paper. That reflected the narrowing that had taken place over the previous four days.
First, Sinn Féin announced that it would be supporting Catherine Connolly rather than putting forward a candidate of its own. That was followed by businessman Gareth Sheridan’s failure to secure the requisite support from local authorities.
There was a flurry of excitement in the final hours before nominations closed, as Maria Steen edged ever closer to the 20 signatures from members of the Oireachtas which the Constitution requires. But the conservative campaigner ultimately fell two names short.
As a result, the electorate now finds itself presented with the smallest field of candidates since the presidential election of 1990.
That is regrettable. A broader, more varied choice would surely have led to a more vigorous and wide-ranging debate, which in turn would have stimulated public interest and potentially increased voter turnout.
Steen’s supporters have been quick to blame her failure to secure a nomination on the main political parties, whom they accuse of shutting down democratic choice.
The charge is unfounded; between them, Connolly, Jim Gavin and Heather Humphreys command the support of nearly every party in the Oireachtas – almost 85 per cent of its members. The suggestion that parties with candidates in the field should ease the path of potential opponents reached absurd levels on Tuesday when it was suggested that Connolly herself might sign Steen’s nomination papers.
It should not shock anyone that political parties pursue their own electoral advantage in order to achieve the objectives they were set out up to accomplish. That, after all, is the proposition they presented to their voters.
Where Ireland differs from most of its international counterparts is in the number of Independents it elects. As a result, there were more than enough Independent TDs and Senators available to ensure Steen’s nomination. They chose not to do so, presumably for a variety of different reasons. That is why she did not succeed.
The fact that she came so close is largely due to the efforts of Peadar Tóibín, leader of Aontú, one of the smallest parties in the Oireachtas. In the end, he fell short, in part because the campaign itself began too late and ran out of time.
But there are lessons here for those who believe Irish political discourse is too narrow and that some voices are excluded. The remedy to that lies not in the kindness of opponents but in effective, organised and sustained political work.
Opinion
The Irish Times view on textile waste: what a load of rubbish
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Ireland is the second largest producer of textile waste per head in Europe, second only to Belgium. We each consume 53kg of textiles each year – more than double the European average. To put the figure in context, a T-shirt weighs between 100 and 250 grams, and a winter duvet can weigh 3 kg.
It’s a lot of clothes, bedding and curtains to throw out and most of it goes in the bin, with only a third being recycled via clothes banks and charity shops. Given the dubious distinction of being one of the worst offenders when it comes to textile waste you might assume that we would quickly and wholeheartedly embrace new rules to reduce textile waste adopted by the European Parliament earlier this month.
Under the new directive, producers who make textiles available in the EU will have to cover the cost of their collection, sorting and recycling. The rules will apply to all producers, including online sellers, irrespective of whether they are established in an EU country or outside it.
The measures will be implemented through a producer responsibility scheme similar to the Re-turn system for drink bottles and cans set up by packaging and drinks companies.
Member states have 30 months from the directive’s entry into force to establish a scheme. There is, of course, no reason why it cannot be done sooner and every reason why it should be.
But if the Re-turn scheme is any guide, the Government will be in no rush when it finds itself caught between industry lobbying and fears the measure may push up prices.
The Single Use Plastic directive came into effect in 2019 but the Irish deposit-based scheme for recycling drink bottles and cans launched in February 2024. Many other European countries brought them in 20 years ago.
Despite initial teething problems, the Re-turn scheme has been supported by the public and has helped the industry meet its EU-mandated recycling targets. There is no reason to believe consumers will not support a textile recycling scheme sooner rather than later.
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